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GEORGE  WASHINGTON 


Memorial  Edition 


There  have  been  printed  of  this  Edition  of 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON 

Twelve  Hundred  and  Fifty   Copies 

Numbered  i  to  1250 


GEORGE 
WASHINGTON 


BY 


Worthington   Chauncey  Ford 


IN   TWO   VOLUMES 
VOL.    I 


GOUPIL  &  CO.,  OF  PARIS 

ART  PUBLISHERS 

MANZI,  JOYANT  &  Co.,  SUCCESSORS 

170  FIFTH  AVENUE 

NEW  YORK 


CHARLES  SCRIBNER'S  SONS 

PUBLISHERS 

153-157  FIFTH  AVENUE 
NEW  YORK 


1900 


Copyright,  ipoo 

BY 
MANZI,  JOYANT  &  CO. 


Rights  Reserved 


TO 
MY  BROTHER 

PAUL  LEICESTER  FORD 

IN    AFFECTIONATE    REMEMBRANCE    OF 
MANY    YEARS 

OF 
FELLOWSHIP    AND    HIGH    COMPANIONSHIP 


224098 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 


HE  position  of  Washington  in  the 
historical  annals  of  the  United 
States  was  determined  before  his 
death.  The  century  that  has  passed 
since  that  event  has  only  confirmed 
the  judgment  of  his  contemporaries, 
and  changed  but  little  the  eminence 
conferred  upon  him.  He  stands  at  this  time  for  what  is 
best  and  highest  in  public  policy  and  political  morality  ; 
and  his  name  is  still  sought  to  give  support  to  aims  but 
little  in  consonance  with  his  expressed  opinions.  An 
Englishman  and  conservative  by  origin  and  tempera 
ment,  he  became  the  central  figure  in  the  Revolution, 
the  very  embodiment  of  the  radicalism  of  the  day. 
Successful  in  winning  independence  for  his  country,  he 
again  became  a  conservative,  a  check  upon  the  rampant 
dishonesty,  the  product  of  war  and  paper  money,  that 
threatened  the  union  of  the  States.  As  President  he 
was  the  great  source  of  federal  power,  and  maintained 
a  balance  between  the  contending  factions  which  would 
mould  the  government  to  serve  their  own  extreme  ends. 
To  him  was  given  the  credit  for  bringing  the  war  to  a 
successful  issue,  and  to  him  was  attributed  the  foundation 

vii 


viii  Introductory  Note 

of  the  union  of  States.     One  hundred  years  have  not 
materially  modified  these  opinions. 

In  one  respect  Washington  has  lost  in  definition. 
His  name  and  renown  are  taken  for  granted,  and  his 
individuality  has  thus  lost.  He  is  mentioned,  but  his 
opinions  are  not  studied,  and  the  words  of  his  writings 
have  been  forgotten.  The  tribute  to  his  memory  in 
tended  in  these  volumes  must  be  found  in  a  close  de 
pendence  upon  his  letters  and  State  papers.  It  is  not 
as  a  soldier  or  as  a  President  that  I  have  sought  to 
draw  him  ;  nor  do  I  wish  to  write  a  history  of  the  times 
to  show  Washington's  relations  to  his  contemporaries. 
I  have  endeavored  to  make  the  man  write  his  own 
biography,  using  his  own  phrases  and  words  to  illustrate 
his  attitude  towards  public  questions  and  public  char 
acters.  I  cannot  but  feel  that  much  more  could  have 
been  included  in  this  plan,  but  any  modification  of  the 
scheme  would  have  led  me  into  too  wide  a  field  for  the 
limits  set  to  these  volumes. 

WORTHINGTON   CHAUNCEY  FORD. 
BOSTON,  December  14,  1899. 


CONTENTS. 

VOL.  I. 


CHAP.  PAGE 

I. — FAMILY i 

II. — YOUTH 20 

III. — FORT  NECESSITY 34 

IV. — BRADDOCK 58 

V. — THE  FRONTIERS  ........  74 

VI. — FORT  Du  QUESNE 93 

VII. — THE  PLANTER in 

VIII. — WESTERN  LANDS 133 

IX. — THE  REVOLUTION 151 

X. — THE  CONTINENTAL  ARMY 171 

XI. — TOWARDS  INDEPENDENCE 192 

XII. — NEW  YORK 212 

XIII. — TRENTON 232 

XIV. — IN  WINTER  QUARTERS 252 

XV. — SARATOGA  AND  PHILADELPHIA 271 

XVI. — FACTION 290 


FULL-PAGE  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

VOL.  I. 


FACING  PAGE 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  fac-simile  in  colors  of  John  Trumbull's  painting  at 
Yale  University  .......         Frontispiece 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  from  the  painting  by  J.   B.   Greuze  at  the  Boston 

Public  Library    ...........       25 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  1772,  from  the  painting  by  C.  W.  Peale  at  Washing 
ton  and  Lee  University,  Lexington,  Va 50 

GEORGE  III.  (towards  1767),  from  the  painting  by  Allan  Ramsay  at  the 

National  Portrait  Gallery,  London     .......      76 

HORATIO  GATES  (upper  left),  from  the  painting  by  Robert  E.  Pine, 
owned  by  Charles  Henry  Hart,  Esq.,  Philadelphia. 

RUFUS  KING    (upper  right),    from    the   painting  by  John  Trumbull, 
owned  by  Dr.  C.  R.  King,  Andalusia,  Pa. 

GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS   (centre),  from  the  painting  by  Thomas  Sully, 


owned  by  Mrs.  Gouverneur  Morris,  New  York. 


100 


GEORGE  CLINTON  (lower  left),  from  the  painting  by  Ezra  Ames,  owned 
by  Alexander  M.  White,  Esq.,  Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

BARON  STEUBEN  (lower  right),  from  the  painting  by  C.  W.  Peale  at 
Independence  Hall,  Philadelphia. 

PHILIP  SCHUYLER,  from  the  painting  by  John  Trumbull,  owned  by  Philip 

Schuyler,  Esq.,  Tarrytown,  N.  Y 125 

HENRY   KNOX,  from    the    painting    by   Gilbert  Stuart,  at  the  Fine  Arts 

Museum,  Boston        .         ...         .         .         .         •         .         .         .     152 

NATHANAEL  GREENE,  from  the  painting  by  Peale,  owned  by  Mrs.   Wm. 

Benton  Greene,  Jr.,  Princeton,  N.  J.  ......     175 


xii  Full-Page  Illustrations 

FACING  PAGE 

SIR  GUY  CARLETON  (upper  left),  from  a  contemporary  engraving  at  the 
National  Portrait  Gallery,  London. 

GENERAL  HOWE  (upper  right),  from  a  contemporary  engraving  at  the 
National  Portrait  Gallery,  London. 

SIR  HENRY  CLINTON  (centre),  from  an  engraving  by  Bartolozzi,  after  a 

painting  by  J.  Smart,  at  the  National  Portrait  Gallery,  London.  2OC 

GENERAL  BURGOYNE  (lower  left),  from  a  contemporary  engraving  at  the 
National  Portrait  Gallery,  London. 

GENERAL  GAGE  (lower  right),   from  a  contemporary  engraving  at  the 
National  Portrait  Gallery,  London. 

Louis  XVI.,  from  the  painting  by  A.  F.  Callet  at  the  Versailles  Gallery        .     225 

LAFAYETTE,   from   the  pastel  by  Duplessis,    owned    by    Mr.    E.    F. 

Bonaventure,  New  York     .........     254 

COMTE  DE  ROCHAMBEAU  (upper  left),  from  the  painting  by  Lariviere 
at  the  Versailles  Gallery. 

COMTE  D'ESTAING  (upper   right),   from  a  contemporary  engraving  in 
colors  owned  by  Mr.  E.  F.  Bonaventure,  New  York. 

COMTE  DE  GRASSE  (centre),     from   a  painting  by   Mauzaisse  at   the 

Versailles  Gallery.  ^      28° 

COMTE  DE  MOUSTIER  (lower  left),  from  a  painting  by  Danloux,  owned 
by  the  present  Comte  de  Moustier,  Paris. 

DE  VERGENNES    (lower  right),   from  a  contemporary  painting,  artist 
unknown,  at  the  Versailles  Gallery. 


TAIL-PIECES. 

VOL.  I. 


PAGE 

SULGRAVE  MANOR  HOUSE  (Ancestral  Home  of  the  Washingtons),  North 
amptonshire,  England  ;  from  a  direct  photograph  ....  19 

SULGRAVE  CHURCH,  in  Northamptonshire,  England  ;  from  a  direct  photo 
graph  33 

BRASS  MEMORIAL  PLATE,  in  Sulgrave  Church,  Northamptonshire,  England  ; 

from  a  direct  photograph    .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .57 

RED  MOROCCO  POCKET  CASE,  with  instruments  used  by  Washington  when 
surveying  on  the  Ohio  River  before  the  Revolution  ;  from  the  col 
lection  of  the  late  Edmund  Law  Rogers  and  now  owned  by  Mrs. 
Kirby  F.  Smith,  Baltimore,  Md 73 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  from  a  miniature  on  ivory  by  C.  W.  Peale  at  the 

Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  New  York    ......       92 

MARTHA  WASHINGTON,  1782,  from  a  miniature  by  James  Peale,  owned  by 

Durant  Da  Ponte,  Esq.,  New  Orleans,  La.          .         .         .         .         .no 

SOUTHEAST  FRONT  VIEW  OF  MOUNT  VERNON,  Fairfax  Co.,  Va.  .        .     132 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  from  a  terra-cotta  bust  at  the  Carnavalet  Museum, 

Paris  ............     150 

LIBERTY  BELL,  from  the  original  at  Federal  Hall,  Philadelphia    .         .         .170 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  1782,  from  a  miniature  by  James  Peale,  owned  by 

Durant  Da  Ponte,  Esq.,  New  Orleans,  La.         .         .         .         .         .191 

WRITING  TABLE  USED  BY  GEORGE  WASHINGTON  in  Federal   Hall,  New 

York  ;  now  in  the  Governor's  Room,  City  Hall,  New  York         .         .211 

LAFAYETTE,  from  a  contemporary   miniature  at  the  Carnavalet  Museum, 

Paris 231 


xiv  Tail-Pieces 

PAGE 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN,  from  a  miniature  by  J.  B.  Greuze,  in  the  collection 

of  the  Duke  of  Buccleugh,  Montagu  House,  London  .         .         .251 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  1789,  from  a  miniature  by  John  Ramage,  owned  by 

Mrs.  M.  S.  Beach,  Peekskill,  N.  Y 270 

GOLD  EAGLE,  emblem  of  the  order  of  the  "Cincinnati,"  worn  by  George 
Washington  as  first  President,  and  now  owned  by  the  Hon.  Asa  Bird 
Gardiner,  President  of  the  Society,  District  Attorney  for  New  York  .  289 

BRONZE  MEDAL,  in  honor  of  General  Lafayette,  from  original  at  the  Carna- 

valet  Museum,  Paris. 303 


GEORGE   WASHINGTON 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON 


CHAPTER   I 


FAMILY 

ENEALOGY  has  played  strange 
pranks  with  the  Washington  fam 
ily.  It  was  not  enough  to  conceal 
even  the  part  of  England  from 
which  it  sprung,  but  it  must  cast  a 
doubt  upon  every  possible  line 
which  could  be  traced.  The  man 
who  gave  the  family  its  chief  claim  to  renown  had  only 
a  vague  idea  of  his  ancestry,  and  so  obscure  were  the 
traditions  reported  to  him,  that  the  Garter  King  of 
Arms  was  unable  to  give  them  substance  and  consist 
ency.  For  nearly  a  century  since  the  death  of  George 
Washington  his  English  ancestry  baffled  all  research, 
and  the  absence  of  a  definite  connection  gave  occasion 
to  conjecture  and  false  assertions  that  were  not  only 
mythological  in  themselves,  but  led  to  the  creation  of  a 


George  Washington 

mythology,  in  which  Odin  was  represented  as  the  fore 
runner  of  the  great  American.  His  isolation  in  renown, 
one  only  in  a  large  family  connection  of  mediocre  men, 
excused  the  efforts  to  explain  his  existence  and  qualities. 
With  so  much  that  was  of  the  human  around  him,  only 
a  divine  origin  could  account  for  his  pre-eminence.  It 
was  an  honest  but  mistaken  conception  of  what  was 
demanded.  The  man  was  not  touched  with  genius — 
the  nearest  approach  to  the  divine  the  world  is  able  to 
offer;  but  he  had  a  certainty  of  vision  and  honest 
directness  of  accomplishment  which  went  far  to  make 
good  the  want  of  genius,  and  these  qualities  he  had  in 
herited  from  his  immediate  ancestors. 

The  first  comers  to  Virginia  expected  to  find  a 
garden  spot  out  of  which  immense  profits  could  easily 
be  acquired.  Years  of  hardship  and  destruction  were 
required  to  wipe  away  these  early  expectations,  and 
then  the  colony  grew  slowly  but  surely  into  a  prosper 
ous  and  commercially  potent  community.  The  banks  of 
the  rivers  attracted  the  immigrants  from  old  England ; 
the  climate  and  fruitful  soil  drew  settlers  from  the  more 
northern  dependencies,  and  especially  from  New  Eng 
land  ;  and  the  rise  of  an  important  staple  for  export 
kept  the  connections  with  the  mother  country  close  and 
mutual.  Slowly  the  stream  of  population  crept  up  the 
larger  rivers,  still  restricted  to  narrow  fields  by  the 
dread  of  the  Indians  and  the  need  of  ready  access  to 
the  sea.  In  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  the 
northern  banks  of  the  Charles  and  Rappahannock  were 
pronounced  safe  and  thrown  open  to  settlement.  The 
country,  hitherto  almost  a  waste,  was  divided  into 
counties  ;  land  rights  gave  occasion  for  plantations,  and 


Family  3 

master  or  landholder,  servant  and  slave,  turned  their 
energies  to  make  it  yield  a  support  and  something 
over. 

In  1653  a  county  was  cut  out  of  Northumberland, 
and  the  name  of  Westmoreland  given  to  it.  The 
bounds  ran  from  Machotic  River  to  the  falls  of  the 
river  Potomac,  above  the  Necostins  town,  now  known 
as  the  city  of  Washington.  An  immense  territory  was 
included  in  this  new  division,  for  it  has  since  been 
divided  into  three  counties,  those  of  Westmoreland, 
Stafford,  and  Fairfax.  Houses,  as  yet,  clung  to  the 
river,  and  the  bank  was  fringed  with  the  homes  of  men 
who  still  retained  their  love  for  England,  and  who  made 
frequent  visits  to  their  old  towns.  These  newcomers 
were  not  from  any  one  county  of  the  mother  land,  nor 
were  they  of  one  profession.  Merchants  naturally  con 
stituted  a  majority,  for  they  were  of  the  venturesome 
class,  feeling  the  impulse  of  expansion  that  has  made 
England  the  great  colonizer  of  the  world.  Whether  in 
search  of  religious  liberty,  of  gain,  or  of  adventure,  the 
emigrant  determined  to  make  the  most  of  the  opportu 
nities  the  new  continent  offered.  He  went  out  a  settler, 
to  make  a  home  for  himself  in  other  fields,  yet  breaking 
in  no  degree  with  the  traditions  or  the  memory  of  his 
place  of  origin. 

On  the  Potomac  were  many  places  held  by  men 
whose  names  are  well  known  in  the  early  history  of 
Virginia,  and  by  some  others  who  are  known  only  be 
cause  they  were  neighbors  of  or  connected  with  the 
Washingtons.  Who  was  this  Washington  that  could 
give  such  distinction  to  his  surroundings  as  to  save 
them  from  the  utter  forgetfulness  naturally  belonging  to 


4  George  Washington 

them  ?  There  have  been  claims  of  high  ancestry,  of 
prominent  position  in  England,  of  remarkable  merit,  and 
of  praiseworthy  deeds.  Looking  backwards,  with  the 
knowledge  of  real  greatness  in  one  member  of  the  family, 
his  forbears  are  tipped  with  the  lustre  of  his  fame,  and 
seem  large  against  the  mass  of  mediocrity  that  sur 
rounded  them.  Under  the  glamor  of  his  name  objects 
as  well  as  persons  take  on  a  false  or  unnatural  light. 
Virginia  was  supposed  to  run  to  the  South  Sea,  and  to 
include  the  island  of  California.  So  the  Washington 
line  was  thought  to  extend  to  the  clouds,  gaining  in 
force  by  its  very  uncertainty.  To  be  renowned  in  peace 
as  well  as  in  war,  to  be  the  founder  and  hero  of  a  great 
nation,  and  to  be  held  in  an  estimation  approaching 
veneration,  these  conditions  demanded  some  explana 
tion  other  than  the  dull  pages  of  contemporary  records 
could  supply.  In  the  use  of  the  imagination  the  gene 
alogist  excelled  the  historian. 

Washington  himself  was  in  doubt  about  his  English 
connections,  and  could  give  only  a  hint  to  the  Garter 
King  of  Arms  who  wished  the  information.  "  I  have 
often  heard  others  of  the  family,  older  than  myself,  say, 
that  our  ancestor,  who  first  settled  in  this  country,  came 
from  some  one  of  the  northern  counties  of  England  ;  but 
whether  from  Lancashire,  Yorkshire,  or  one  still  more 
northerly,  I  do  not  precisely  remember."  A  century 
had  so  thoroughly  obliterated  all  remembrance  or  tra 
dition  of  the  English  home  that  no  member  of  the  family, 
large  as  it  was  and  not  widely  scattered  in  Virginia, 
could  name  the  county  whence  the  migration  was  made. 
Sir  Isaac  Heard,  who  had  started  the  question,  found 
the  names  of  John  and  Lawrence  Washington  in  the 


Family  5 

Visitation  of  Northamptonshire  of  1618,  and  conjec 
tured  that  they  might  be  the  two  brothers  of  the  same 
name  who  emigrated  to  Virginia.  Tracing  the  family 
through  this  link,  he  connected  it  with  one  still  more 
ancient  in  Lancashire.  The  chain  was  not  complete, 
and  certain  weak  links  led  to  Heard's  expressing  very 
definite  doubts  of  its  being  reliable.  Others  who  fol 
lowed  him  were  not  so  scrupulous,  and  the  historian  of 
Northamptonshire,  one  Baker,  overanxious  perhaps  to 
claim  for  this  county  the  honor  or  prestige,  accepted  Sir 
Isaac's  results,  omitting  to  express  any  doubt  of  their 
finality.  He  asserted  that  the  emigrant  John,  son  of 
Lawrence  Washington  of  Sulgrave,  was  of  South  Cave, 
of  York  County  ;  and  that  his  brother  Lawrence  was  a 
student  at  Oxford  in  1622,  and  afterwards  migrated  to 
America.  Confusing  as  such  a  conclusion  was,  the  air 
of  certainty  given  to  Baker's  pedigree  carried  conviction 
and  made  it  acceptable. 

The  real  point  at  issue  involved  one  of  age,  for  both 
the  tables  of  Heard  and  Baker  made  the  brothers  too 
old  to  be  the  probable  emigrants.  To  explain  this  point 
new  lines  of  connection  were  suggested,  but  none  of 
them  proved  to  be  open  to  careful  tests,  and  for  many 
years  it  was  destructive  criticism  only  that  could  be  ap 
plied  to  the  family  line.  Not  even  the  experience  and 
enthusiasm  of  Col.  Chester  enabled  him  to  do  more 
than  to  clear  the  field  of  false  conjectures,  a  task  useful 
as  preparing  for  the  final  discovery.  It  was  only  re 
cently  that  the  researches  of  Henry  F.  Waters  have 
fully  explained  the  doubtful  matters,  and  offered  the 
clues  that  have  proved  so  fruitful  of  results.  What 
a  commentary  on  ancestral  claims  all  this  doubt  and 


6  George  Washington 

perplexity  prove,  when  found  in  the  case  of  a  man  who 
had  every  claim  to  renown.  In  the  face  of  such  obscurity 
of  origin  it  is  misleading  to  attribute  transcendent  merit 
or  position  to  his  ancestors. 

The  first  of  the  name,  John  Washington,  is  said  to 
have  lived  in  Whitfield,  of  Lancaster  county ;  but  noth 
ing  is  certainly  known  of  him  or  his  sons.  His  great- 
grandson,  Lawrence,  received  a  grant  of  a  parcel  of  the 
priory  of  St.  Andrew, — the  manor  of  Sulgrave, — with 
all  the  lands  in  Sulgrave  belonging  to  the  dissolved 
priories  of  Canons  Ashby  and  Catesby.  Thus  he  shared 
in  the  spoils  of  the  policy  of  Henry  VIII.,  and  it  was 
no  small  share  that  fell  to  his  lot.  He  was  buried  in 
Sulgrave  church,  and  the  stone  slab,  with  six  brass 
plates  let  into  it,  has  long  been  an  object  of  interest. 
The  first  plate  contained  the  Washington  coat  of  arms, 
argent,  two  bars  gules,  in  chief  three  mullets  of  the 
second.  On  either  side,  in  brass,  were  effigies  of  Wash 
ington  and  his  wife,  and  below  were  representations  of 
their  "  iiij  sons  &  vij  daughters."  So  clear  were  these 
images  that  the  costumes  could  be  recognized,  marking 
their  wearers  as  civilians  of  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth 
century.  The  hands  of  vandals  early  removed  the  plate 
of  Mrs.  Washington — Amy  Pargiter — and  recently  the 
effigies  of  the  children  have  been  stolen.  In  his  will 
he  leaves  a  cottage  to  be  held  for  some  honest  aged  or 
impotent  person,  the  rent  of  which  was  to  be  "  one  red 
rose  at  the  feast  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  yearly,  if  the 
same  be  demanded,"  a  bit  of  sentiment  not  inherited  by 
his  descendants. 

His  son  sold  the  manor  of  Sulgrave,  thus  breaking 
a  known  connection  of  the  family,  and  one  sufficient  to 


Family  7 

give  it  a  distinguishing  association  with  a  certain  locality, 
something  of  an  advantage  in  English  life.  Robert 
Washington,  though  parting  with  his  birthplace,  de 
sired  to  be  buried  with  his  father,  in  the  south  aisle  of 
the  church  at  Sulgrave.  His  brother,  Lawrence,  was 
something  of  a  wanderer.  Entering  Gray's  Inn  in  1571, 
he  was  called  to  the  bar  in  1582,  being  styled  of  "  Gray's 
Inn,  co.  Middlesex,  gent.,"  a  description  definite  enough 
to  fix  his  position  in  life.  He  soon  after  purchased  a 
manor  in  Warwick  county,  but  removed  to  Herts  in 
1594,  and  towards  the  end  of  Elizabeth's  reign  was 
living  in  Kent.  As  Registrar  of  the  Court  of  Chancery 
he  was  assessed  for  suppressing  the  Irish  rebellion  ;  and 
under  King  James,  he  was  chosen  to  represent  Maid- 
stone  in  Parliament.  He  retained  the  post  of  registrar 
until  his  death  in  1619.  The  prominence  of  being  a 
member  of  Parliament  was  not  notable,  and  his  appoint 
ment  in  the  Chancery  Court  was  not  one  to  be  magni 
fied  into  greatness.  Without  a  fixed  and  recognizable 
home,  he  could  hardly  be  regarded  as  the  founder  of  a 
family.  It  is  safer  and  more  close  to  the  facts  to  admit 
fair  abilities  and  a  full  performance  of  what  was  ex 
pected  of  him — reputation  better  than  one  founded 
upon  war,  rapine,  or  commercial  greed.  His  epitaph, 
in  good  lapidary  style,  tells  his  whole  story. 

MORTALIS  MORTE 
IMMORTALIS. 

HERE   RESTETH   THE   BODY   OF  LAWRENCE 
WASHINGTON   ESQ  ;   OF  THE   FAMILY   OF  THE 
WASHINGTONS,   ANTIENTLIE   OF  WASHINGTON 
IN   THE   COUNTIE   PALATINE   OF   DURHAM  : 
REGISTER   OF  THE   HIGHE   COURT   OF  CHANCERY 


8  George  Washington 

XXVII   YEARES:    HE   HAD   TWO   WYVFS,    MARTHA 
DAUGHTER   OF   CLEMENT   NEWCE   OF   HARTFORD- 
SHIRE   ESQ  :   AND   MARY   DAUGHTER   OF   SIR  RAYNOLD 
SCOTT  OF  THIS  COUNTIE   KNIGHT:   BY   HIS  FIRST 
HE  HAD   5    SONS  AND   2   DAUGHTERS;   LAWRENCE 
AND   MARY,   THE   ELDEST   ONLY   LYVING.      LAWRENCE 
SUCCEEDED   HIM   IN   HIS   OFFICE,   MARRIED  ANN 
DAUGHTER  OF  WILLIAM   LEWYN  JUDGE  OF  THE 
PREROGATIVE   COURT.      MARY   MARRIED   WILLIAM 
HORSEPOOLE  OF  THIS   PARISH   GENTLE1!1      HISgOTHER 
DAUGHTER   MARTHA   MARRIED   TO   ARTHUR 
BESWICK  GENTLEM   SON   OF  WILLIAM   BESWICK 
OF  THIS  COUNTY  ESQ  ;   HE   HAVING  LIVED  A 
VIRTUOUS  AND   XTIAN   LIFE   OF  SINGULAR   INTIECRITY 
IN   HIS   PLACE.      BEING   OF  THE  AGE   OF  LXXIII   YEARES 
DIED   THE   XXI   OF   DECEMBER  AN0    DMI    1619.      A 
FAITHFULL  BELIEVER  IN   THE   MERRITTS  & 
MERCIES   OF  HIS   SAVIOUR.      TO   WHOSE   MEMORIE 
HIS   SONNE   HATH   ERECTED   THIS   MONUMENT 
THOUGH  AFTER   MY   SKINNE 
WORMS   DESTROY   THIS   BODY, 
YET  SHALL  I   SEE   GOD   IN   MY  FLESH. 

Not  so  much  is  known  of  Lawrence,  the  son  of 
Robert,  who  joined  with  his  father  in  selling  Sulgrave, 
and  retired  to  Brington.  Beyond  his  marriage  in  1588 
with  Margaret  Butler  of  Tighes,  the  list  of  his  seven 
teen  children,  and  his  death  in  1616,  leaving  a  widow 
and  a  large  family,  all  records  are  silent  concerning  him 
and  his  deeds.  If  conjecture  is  proper  in  such  a  case, 
it  may  be  supposed  that  he  enjoyed  some  influence  lead 
ing  to  the  court,  or  in  that  direction,  for  two  of  his  sons 
were  knighted,  an  act  that  usually  went  by  favor.  Sir 
John,  of  Thrapston,  lived  without  renown,  and  is  inter 
esting  only  by  reason  of  his  connection  with  this  family. 


Family  9 

His  eldest  brother,  William,  advanced  his  interests  by 
his  marriage  with  Anne,  daughter  of  Sir  George  Vil- 
liers,  of  Brooksby,  and  half-sister  of  George,  Duke  of 
Buckingham.  Through  this  connection  he  received 
favors  from  the  king,  such  as  the  knighthood,  and  a 
grant  of  the  keepership  of  Grafton  Park  and  Potters 
Pury  Park,  in  Northampton,  with  the  fee  of  two  pence 
a  day  from  each  of  them,  with  the  herbage,  pannage, 
and  fallen  wood,  "  as  the  same  had  been  held  by  the 
late  Duke  of  Buckingham."  Nor  did  the  royal  bounty 
stop  with  this  ;  for  he  had  a  patent  covering  the  "  sole 
benefit  of  transporting  lampernes  alive  beyond  the  sea, 
to  be  taken  in  the  Thames  or  elsewhere  in  England,"  a 
patent  that  must  have  brought  profit,  as  he  was  earnest 
in  seeking  its  renewal  in  1635. 

This  close  connection  with  the  king  brought  suffer 
ing  upon  his  house  in  the  troublous  days  of  the 
Puritans.  Sir  William  and  his  children  were  stanch 
royalists.  A  daughter,  Elizabeth,  had  married  William 
Legge,  one  of  the  grooms  of  the  bedchamber  to  Charles 
I.,  and  holding  a  commission  as  lieutenant-general  of 
the  ordnance  under  Lord  Newport,  in  the  first  expedi 
tion  against  the  Scots  in  1639.  Twice  was  he  taken 
prisoner,  but  he  had  proved  his  courage  and  fidelity, 
and  was  made  governor  of  Chester  and  Oxford  in  1644. 
Such  was  the  confidence  of  the  king  that  Legge  was 
one  of  the  three  companions  chosen  to  accompany  him 
in  his  flight  from  Hampton  Court,  and  Lord  Clarendon 
speaks  in  the  highest  praise  of  his  worth.  "  Legge  had 
had  so  general  a  reputation  of  integrity  and  fidelity  to 
his  master  that  he  never  fell  under  the  least  imputation 
or  reproach  with  any  man.  He  was  a  very  punctual 


so  George  Washington 

and  steady  observer  of  the  orders  he  received,  but  no 
contriver  of  them,  and  though  he  had  in  truth  a  better 
judgment  and  understanding  than  either  of  the  other  two 
(Ashburnham  and  Berkeley)  his  modesty  and  diffidence 
of  himself  never  suffered  him  to  contrive  bold  councils." 
On  the  death  of  the  king,  Legge  was  imprisoned,  but 
obtaining  leave  to  go  abroad,  joined  Prince  Charles, 
and  being  wounded  was  taken  prisoner  at  Worcester. 
Escaping  from  prison  with  the  aid  of  his  wife,  he  en 
tered  into  new  royalist  plots,  for  which  he  was  well 
rewarded  on  the  restoration  of  the  monarchy.  As  the 
ancestor  of  the  Earls  of  Dartmouth,  he  has  a  double 
association  with  America.  His  wife  was,  as  a  Papist, 
specially  permitted  in  1678-9  to  stay  in  London,  being 
very  weak  and  sickly,  and  she  survived  her  husband 
eighteen  years,  dying  in  1688.  Her  own  brother, 
Henry  Washington,  was  also  involved  in  the  royalist 
cause,  leading  the  storming  party  at  Bristol,  and  act 
ing  as  governor  of  Worcester  during  its  first  siege  in 
1646. 

However  much  this  service  on  the  side  of  the  king 
redounded  to  the  credit  of  Sir  William  and  his  family, 
the  true  repute  was  due  to  the  line  of  his  brother,  Law 
rence.  He  was  born  about  1602,  and  appears  to  have 
entered  Brasenose  College  as  early  as  1619,  though  he 
did  not  sign  the  general  matriculation  register  until 
November,  1621,  probably  prevented  from  so  doing  by 
political  disturbances.  His  tastes  were  decidedly  scho 
lastic,  and  he  preferred  to  live  in  the  shadows  and  re 
tirement  of  the  college  to  meeting  the  buffets  of  the 
world  in  a  career.  Taking  his  degree  of  B.A.  in  1623, 
he  became  a  Fellow  in  the  following  year,  and  served 


Family  i  * 

as  lector,  one  of  the  principal  educational  offices  in 
the  college,  from  1627  to  1632.  He  also  was  one  of 
the  proctors,  filling  a  vacancy  due  to  an  exercise  of  the 
royal  displeasure,  directed  against  his  predecessor. 

On  the  1 4th  of  March,  1632-3,  he  was  presented  to 
the  then  valuable  living  of  Purleigh  in  Essex,  and  at. 
once  resigned  his  fellowship.  This  gift  he  received 
at  the  hands  of  Jane  Horsmanden,  whose  nephew, 
Warham  Horsmanden,  came  to  Virginia,  and  served 
in  the  Governor's  council.  About  the  time  Lawrence 
Washington  went  to  Purleigh  he  married  Amphillis, 
but  beyond  that  nothing  is  known  of  his  wife.  Con 
jecture  has  been  allowed  to  place  her  in  many  families, 
and  circumstances  have  been  produced  to  show  that 
she  was  not  his  social  equal.  In  the  absence  of  actual 
records,  it  is  better  to  acknowledge  the  general  igno 
rance.  She  endured  all  the  changes  of  fortune  that 
came  to  him,  which  were  enough  to  try  her  fortitude 
and  fidelity,  and  survived  him.  He  was  a  marked  man 
politically  because  of  his  family  connections,  if  for  no 
other  reason.  It  was  said  he  was  indiscreet  in  his  con 
versation,  at  a  time  when  the  followers  of  the  king 
were  in  disfavor,  and  their  sayings  were  freely  carried 
to  those  who  had  the  wish  and  the  power  to  punish  and 
annoy.  In  November,  1643,  he  was  ejected  from  the 
living  at  Purleigh,  by  order  of  Parliament,  as  a  "  ma 
lignant  royalist."  A  mere  charge  without  evidence 
would  not  have  worked  this  change,  and  in  White's 
First  Century  of  Scandalous  Malignant  Priests  the  full 
weight  of  his  evil-doing  was  recorded.  "  The  Benefice 
of  Lawrence  Washington,  Rector  of  Purleigh  in  the 
County  of  Essex,  is  sequestered,  for  that  he  is  a  common 


12  George  Washington 

frequenter  of  Ale-houses,  not  onlly  himselfe  sitting 
dayly  tippling  there,  but  also  incouraging  others  in 
that  beastly  vice,  and  hath  been  oft  drunk,  and  hath 
said,  That  the  Parliament  have  more  Papists  belonging 
to  them  in  their  Armies  than  the  King  had  about  him 
or  in  his  Army,  and  that  the  Parliaments  Armie  did 
more  hurt  than  the  Cavaliers,  and  that  they  did  none  at 
all ;  and  hath  published  them  to  be  Traitours,  that  lend 
to  or  assist  the  Parliament." 

It  is  evident  that  the  accuser  has  made  a  strange 
mixture  of  religion  and  politics,  and  yet  it  is  very  proba 
ble  that  Washington  was  outspoken  in  his  opinions  of 
the  Parliament,  representing  as  it  did  all  that  was  op 
posed  to  his  views  and  convictions.  He  paid  the  full 
penalty,  but  there  was  every  reason  to  believe  the 
charge  of  drunkenness  was  unnecessary.  After  the  Res 
toration,  a  defense  of  these  persecuted  clergymen  was 
undertaken  by  John  Walker,  and  he  found  enough 
good  to  record  of  the  Purleigh  rector.  "  It  is  not  to 
be  supposed,  that  such  a  Malignant  could  be  less  than  a 
Drunkard,  and  accordingly  he  is  charged  with  frequent 
Commissions  of  that  Sin,  and  not  only  so,  but  with  En 
couraging  others  in  that  Beastly  Vice.  Altho'  a  Gen 
tleman  (a  Justice  of  the  Peace  in  this  County)  who 
Personally  knew  him,  assures  me,  that  he  took  him  to 
be  a  Worthy,  Pious  Man,  that  as  often  as  he  was  in 
his  Company,  he  always  appeared  a  very  Modest,  Sober 
Person,  and  that  he  was  Recommended  as  such,  by 
several  Gentlemen,  who  were  acquainted  with  him  be 
fore  he  himself  was.  Adding  withal,  that  he  was  a 
Loyal  Person,  and  had  one  of  the  best  Benefices 
in  these  Parts,  and  this  was  the  only  Cause  of  his 


Family  13 

Expulsion,  as  I  verily  believe."  After  his  expulsion  he 
was  permitted  to  retain  the  living  of  Braxted  Parva, 
one  so  poor  and  miserable  that  it  was  with  difficulty 
any  one  was  persuaded  to  accept  it. 

With  a  family  of  six  children  Lawrence  had  little  to 
offer  them  in  patrimony  or  in  prospects  of  advance 
ment.  On  his  death  in  1652,  followed  as  it  was  in 
January,  1654-5,  by  that  of  his  wife,  Amphillis,  one,  if 
not  two,  of  his  sons  looked  towards  the  English  colonies 
in  America.  The  migration  from  England  to  the  Bar 
bados  was  at  this  time  large,  and  it  has  been  conjec 
tured  that  John  Washington,  the  eldest  son  of  the  rector 
of  Purleigh,  went  to  that  island  before  coming  to  Vir 
ginia.  This  conjecture  rested  upon  the  fact  of  Thomas 
Pargiter  being  prominent  in  the  concerns  of  Barbados, 
and  much  interested  in  advancing  the  prosperity  of  that 
dependency.  Some  delay  in  obtaining  letters  of  ad 
ministration  to  his  mother's  will  is  also  taken  as  evi 
dence  of  his  being  out  of  the  country,  and  a  letter  from 
Theodore  Pargiter  points  to  his  being  in  Barbados. 
Whatever  basis  of  fact  these  conjectures  may  have,  it 
is  certainly  known  that  in  1656  John  Washington  came 
to  Virginia,  as  "  second  man  "  or  mate  to  Edward  Pres- 
cott,  the  captain  of  a  vessel  trading  with  that  colony. 
At  this  time  John  was  about  twenty-five  years  of  age, 
and  thus  in  the  period  of  full  venturous  spirit.  That 
he  did  not  at  once  become  a  settler  is  proved  by  an 
Incident  of  some  picturesque  qualities,  even  for  that  day. 

His  employer,  Prescott,  sometimes  described  as  a 
merchant,  accompanied  his  vessel  in  her  voyage  from 
England  to  America  in  1658,  and  encountered  so  se 
vere  storms  that  he  deemed  it  necessary  to  placate  the 


H  George  Washington 

elements  with  a  sacrifice.  Among  the  passengers  was 
one  who  could  pass  for  a  witch,  when  the  demand  was 
urgent,  and  this  woman  Prescott  ordered  to  be  hung. 
Upon  reaching  America  Washington  laid  the  matter 
before  the  authorities  of  Maryland,  and  caused  him  to 
be  arrested  on  a  suspicion  of  felony.  As  the  trial  was 
to  be  held  in  Maryland,  the  witnesses  must  be  brought 
face  to  face  with  the  accused,  and  no  testimony  taken 
in  Virginia  would  be  considered.  When  the  time  for 
the  court  to  sit  came  round  in  October,  1659,  Washing 
ton  pleaded  an  extraordinary  occasion.  "  God  willing, 
I  intend  to  gett  my  young  sonne  baptized.  All  ye  com 
pany  and  Gossips  being  already  invited.  Besides  in 
this  short  time  witnesses  cannot  bee  got  to  come  over." 
And  he  desired  a  postponement  of  the  cause,  the  event 
of  which  is  not  known. 

The  extraordinary  occasion  doubtless  offers  an  ex 
planation  of  Washington's  settling  in  Virginia.  In 
Westmoreland  County  lived  Nathaniel  Pope,  having 
an  estate  on  Appomattox  Creek,  which  emptied  into 
the  Potomac.  Pope  was  a  man  of  some  prominence, 
when  even  an  appointment  in  the  county  militia  carried 
weight,  and  held  a  commission  of  lieutenant-colonel 
from  the  Governor.  He  was  of  some  substance,  too, 
having  good  lands  in  a  colony  where  land  accessible  to 
the  waterways  was  not  too  easily  obtained.  He  was 
the  agent  of  some  London  merchants  having  interests 
in  Virginia,  and  cultivated  the  plant,  tobacco,  on  which 
the  commercial  prosperity  of  the  colony  was  supposed 
to  rest.  A  daughter,  Anne  Pope,  was  now  a  widow, 
having  recently  lost  her  husband,  Walter  Brodhurst. 
Virginia  was  not  favorable  to  single  women  who  had 


Family  1 5 

a  family  to  support,  and  marriages  were  encouraged. 
Washington  was  himself  a  widower,  but  the  name  of 
his  first  wife  has  never  been  discovered.  He  won  the 

(U 

hand  of  Anne  Brodhurst  in  1759  and  with  her  received 
a  gift  from  her  father  of  lands  lying  on  Hallowes  Creek, 
in  Westmoreland  County.  This  was  in  all  probability 
what  determined  him  to  make  his  home  in  Virginia. 

Nathaniel  Pope,  his  father-in-law,  was  a  man  of  some 
influence  in  the  colony,  and  had  acted  as  the  lieutenant- 
governor.  The  support  of  such  an  influence  would 
prove  of  service  to  Washington,  who  is  found  in  1662  a 
justice  of  the  peace  for  the  county,  to  determine  all 
causes  not  touching  life  or  member,  and  a  vestryman 
for  Appomattox  parish.  Land  hunger  prevailed  in  the 
new  settlement,  and  John  Washington  obtained  many 
parcels  of  land  by  purchase,  or  by  direct  grant  from  the 
Governor,  showing  an  increase  in  goods  and  standing  in 
the  community.  The  test  came  in  1675  when  an  expe 
dition  was  sent  against  the  Susquehannock  Indians,  in 
reprisal  for  the  murder  of  a  settler  in  Stafford,  a  neigh 
boring  county.  The  command  was  given  to  Colonel 
John  Washington,  with  directions  to  make  a  full  and 
thorough  inquisition  of  the  true  causes  of  the  Indian 
outbreak,  and,  if  good  cause  should  be  found,  to  "at- 
tacque  &  doe  such  Execucons  upon  ye  sd  Indians  as 
shall  be  found  necessary  and  just."  These  orders  were 
carried  into  effect  with  such  a  display  of  cruelty  and 
treachery  to  the  Indians  as  to  call  out  a  condemnation 
from  the  Governor.  The  Indian  was  treated  as  a  pest, 
to  be  got  rid  of  by  no  matter  what  means.  The  inci 
dent  stands  as  a  blot  on  Washington's  character  and  on 
the  records  of  colonial  Virginia. 


1 6  George  Washington 

Returning  from  this  expedition  Washington  took  his 
seat  in  the  colonial  Assembly.  He  lost  his  wife  about 
this  time,  and  before  his  death,  which  occurred  in  1677, 
he  appears  to  have  married  his  third  wife — Frances,  the 
daughter  of  Thomas  Gerrard  and  relict  of  Valentine 
Peyton.  He  left  a  goodly  property,  even  for  that  day, 
chiefly  in  lands,  tenements,  and  growing  crops,  to  be 
divided  among  his  three  children.  Nor  was  he  forget 
ful  of  his  kindred.  His  sister  Martha,  who  had  been 
left  in  England,  was  to  be  brought  over  and  given  a 
"year's  accomodation  after  her  comeing  in  &  four 
thousand  pounds  of  tobacco  &  caske."  She  came  ac 
cordingly,  and  was  soon  married  to  a  substantial  planter, 
Samuel  Hay  ward.  The  ten  commandments  and  the 
King's  arms  were  also  brought  from  England  for  the 
church  of  Washington  parish,  where  a  funeral  sermon 
was  to  be  delivered.  The  brother,  Lawrence,  had  set 
tled  in  Rappahannock,  where  he  led  an  obscure  life, 
and  made  an  obscure  marriage,  the  name  of  his  wife 
being  in  doubt. 

Lawrence  Washington,  the  eldest  son  of  John 
Washington  and  Anne  (Pope),  was  born  on  Bridges 
Creek,  and  upon  his  marriage  with  Mildred,  daughter 
of  Colonel  Augustine  Warner,  of  Gloucester  County, 
he  moved  to  that  county  and  established  himself  on  the 
Piankatank  River.  Of  him  little  is  positively  known, 
but  he  left  a  large  estate  and  three  children,  of  whom 
the  second  alone  is  of  interest  in  this  record.  For  he 
was  Augustine  Washington,  the  father  of  George,  and 
inherited  the  four  hundred  acres  of  land  lying  in  Mat- 
tox,  known  as  the  Wakefield  tract,  the  birthplace  of 
the  future  general  and  president.  He  also  acquired 


Family  1 7 

from  his  sister  Mildred,  twenty-five  hundred  acres  upon 
Hunting  Creek,  in  Stafford  County,  the  tract  to  be 
later  known  as  Mount  Vernon. 

Augustine  was  born  about  1694,  and  on  the  death 
of  his  father  in  1698  was  taken  to  England  by  his 
mother.  She  soon  married  a  merchant  of  Whitehaven, 
George  Gale,  but  died  in  1700-1,  leaving  the  care  of 
her  children  to  the  merchant.  The  two  boys,  John  and 
Augustine,  were  sent  to  the  grammar  school  at  Appleby, 
where  they  remained  until  their  return  to  Virginia,  about 
1715  as  is  believed.  Augustine  married  in  the  same  year 
Jane  Butler,  the  daughter  of  a  Westmoreland  lawyer, 
who  bore  him  four  children,  and  died.  The  success  of  cer 
tain  iron  mines  in  Maryland  led  to  an  offer  from  the 
Principio  Company  for  Augustine's  Stafford  property, 
at  Accokeek,  where  iron  was  known  to  exist.  The 
mine  was  opened,  and  as  a  shareholder  in  the  under 
taking  Washington  drew  some  profit,  and  appears  to 
have  made  some  voyages  to  England  in  this  connection. 
In  1 730-1  he  married  Mary,  daughter  of  Colonel  Joseph 
Ball  of  Epping  Forest,  a  woman  of  strong  character 
and  many  admirable  qualities,  balanced  by  plainness  of 
manner,  and  late  in  life  by  a  querulous  disposition.  For 
her  has  been  claimed  high  descent  and  a  transcendent 
talent ;  but  no  facts  can  be  found  to  support  these  claims. 
Even  from  the  letters  of  her  son  may  be  gathered  an 
impression  of  a  lack  of  dignity  and  a  proneness  to  com 
plain  at  moderate  fortune.  It  required  the  strong  sen 
sibility  of  Lafayette  to  see  in  her  the  element  of  the 
divine  which  he  associated  with  his  beloved  chief.  With 
out  that  sympathy  she  became  commonplace  in  very 
ordinary  surroundings. 


1 8  George  Washington 

At  Wakefield,  George  Washington  was  born,  Febru 
ary  ii  (O.  S.),  1732.  The  event  was  marked  by  noth 
ing  unusual,  and  perhaps  for  that  reason  has  given 
birth  to  much  legend,  tradition,  and  wonder.  The  home 
and  the  family  were  of  good  Virginia  stock  and  beyond 
that  little  need  be  said.  Augustine  about  1735  moved 
from  Wakefield  to  an  estate  higher  on  the  Potomac,  a 
place  known  by  its  Indian  name  of  Epsewasson,  and 
one  that  had  been  owned  by  his  ancestor,  Colonel  John 
Washington,  the  emigrant.  His  eldest  son  Lawrence 
was  sent  to  England,  to  attend  the  school  at  Appleby, 
and  later  Augustine,  a  younger  son,  was  sent  to  the 
same  place.  The  house  at  Epsewasson  appears  to  have 
been  burnt  about  1739,  leading  to  a  second  move,  to  a 
property  near  Fredericksburg,  in  King  George,  now 
Stafford,  county.  Lawrence  joined  the  Carthagena  ex 
pedition  under  Gooch,  as  a  captain,  and  served  with 
distinction  in  that  disastrous  adventure,  returning  to 
Virginia  in  1742.  No  provision  for  half-pay  was  made 
for  the  colonial  forces  under  Vernon,  something  of  a 
disappointment  to  those  concerned.  In  the  meanwhile 
Augustine  had  grown  to  be  a  "  pretty  young  fellow " 
and  had  set  his  heart  on  the  profession  of  the  law,  in 
which  his  tutor  said  he  would  take  abundance  of  pains 
to  shine.  It  was  a  question  for  the  father  to  decide  : 
"  I  have  that  opinion  of  ye  lad's  goodness  y?  if  he 
thought  it  were  not  agreeable  to  your  sentiments  he 
w?  reconcile  his  thoughts  to  any  other  employment  you 
sh?  think  most  expedient  to  him."  The  father  does  not 
appear  to  have  sympathized  with  this  plan,  as  Augus 
tine  returned  to  Virginia  in  1 742,  and  was  in  charge  of 
the  iron  works.  He  married  Anne  Aylett. 


Family  19 

Augustine,  the  elder,  died  April  1 2,  1 743,  and  tradi 
tion  states  that  George  was  at  the  time  on  a  visit  to 
a  relative  at  Chotank,  returning  in  answer  to  a  hurried 
summons,  to  receive  the  blessing  of  his  father.  The 
care  of  the  boy  now  fell  to  Lawrence,  who  married  in 
July  of  this  year,  Anne,  the  daughter  of  William  Fair 
fax.  He  made  his  home  at  Epsewasson,  naming  the 
place  Mount  Vernon,  in  honor  of  the  admiral  with  whom 
he  had  served  in  the  West  Indies.  The  property  left 
him  by  his  father  brought  influence  and  he  served  in  the 
House  of  Burgesses.  Failing  health  and  the  loss  of  his 
three  children  cut  his  career  short. 


CHAPTER  II 


escence. 


YOUTH 

ARLY  in  his  career,  Lawrence  wished 
George  to  go  to  sea,  and  offered  to 
give  him  the  necessary  recommen 
dations.  The  suggestion  found  fa 
vor  with  the  young  man,  but  the 
mother  was  opposed  to  his  going, 
first  making  a  faint  show  of  acqui- 
"  I  am  afraid  Mrs.  Washington  will  not  keep 
up  to  her  first  resolution,"  wrote  Robert  Jackson,  in 
September,  1746.  "  She  seems  to  intimate  a  dislike  to 
George's  going  to  Sea  and  says  several  Persons  have 
told  her  it  's  a  very  bad  Scheme.  She  offers  several 
trifling  objections  such  as  fond  and  unthinking  mothers 
naturally  suggest,  and  I  find  that  one  word  against  his 
going  has  more  weight  than  ten  for  it.  Col?  Fairfax 
seems  desirous  he  should  go,  and  desired  me  to  acquaint 
you  with  Mrs.  Washington's  sentiments.  I  intend  shortly 
to  take  an  opportunity  to  talk  with  her  and  will  let  you 
know  her  result."  In  spite  of  all  persuasion  the  moth 
er's  fears  could  not  be  laid  aside,  and  they  received 
strong  confirmation  when  the  cruelties  and  sufferings  of 
a  sailor's  life  were  set  forth  to  her.  The  midshipman's 


20 


Youth  2 1 

warrant  was    returned,   and   the   boy   returned  to    his 
studies. 

Where  Washington  went  to  school  has  never  been 
positively  ascertained.  His  half-brothers  had  been  sent 
to  England  to  be  educated  ;  but  the  early  death  of  his 
father  cut  off  any  expectation  of  a  like  voyage  for 
George.  There  were  but  few  schools  in  Virginia  at  this 
time,  although  the  colonial  laws  sought  to  provide  a 
system  of  schools  open  to  all  its  inhabitants.  The  plan 
was  much  greater  than  the  performance  ;  and  even  at 
the  best,  the  academies,  colleges,  and  schools  were  but 
different  grades  of  inefficiency,  inadequate  instruments 
to  perform  the  task  set  before  them.  As  much  the  same 
condition  of  paralysis  infected  the  English  colleges,  it 
need  not  excite  wonder  that  Virginia  was  not  better ; 
for  the  few  earnest  and  capable  teachers  could  not  make 
up  for  the  imperfections  found  in  every  institution  for 
teaching,  from  the  field  school  up  to  the  college. 

Natural  aptitude  in  mathematics  did  much  to  ad 
vance  Washington.  Among  the  first  records  from  his 
hands  are  his  exercises  in  mathematics  and  surveying ; 
and  his  plats  made  in  the  winter  of  1747  are  evidence 
at  once  of  his  talent  and  his  rapid  progress  in  obtaining 
the  rudiments  of  the  profession.  Even  at  this  time, 
when  less  than  sixteen  years  of  age,  he  had  so  far  quali 
fied  himself  as  to  win  a  commission  from  Lord  Fairfax 
to  make  some  surveys  of  lands  in  the  northern  neck  of 
Virginia.  In  February,  1 748,  he  laid  off  a  plan  of  Major 
Lawrence  Washington's  turnip-field,  and  in  the  following 
month  set  out  on  a  surveying  journey  "  over  the  moun 
tains  "in  company  with  George  William  Fairfax,  the 
agent  of  Lord  Fairfax.  A  full  record  of  this  journey 


22  George  Washington 

remains,  and  contains  some  interesting  touches  of  the 
youth's  personality.  All  was  novel  to  him,  and  his  con 
fessions  are  those  of  inexperience.  "  We  got  our  Suppers 
&  was  Lighted  into  a  Room  &  I  not  being  so  good  a 
Woodsman  as  ye  rest  of  my  Company  striped  myself 
very  orderly  &  went  in  to  ye  Bed  as  they  called  it  when 
to  my  Surprize  I  found  it  to  be  nothing  but  a  Little 
Straw — Matted  together  without  Sheets  or  any  thing 
else  but  only  one  thread  Bear  blanket  with  double  its 
Weight  of  Vermin  such  as  Lice  Fleas  &c.  I  was  glad 
to  get  up  (as  soon  as  ye  Light  was  carried  from  us)  I 
put  on  my  Cloths  &  Layd  as  my  Companions.  Had  we 
not  been  very  tired  I  am  sure  we  should  not  have  slep'd 
much  that  night.  I  made  a  Promise  not  to  sleep  so 
from  that  time  forward  chusing  rather  to  sleep  in  ye 
open  Air  before  a  fire."  A  few  days  after  he  looked 
upon  a  good  feather  bed,  with  clean  sheets,  as  "  a  very 
agreeable  regale." 

The  course  taken  by  the  party  led  them  to  the 
already  noted  Warm  Springs,  later  known  as  the  Bath 
or  Berkeley  Springs,  and  across  the  Potomac,  along  the 
Maryland  side,  over  "ye  worst  Road  that  ever  was  trod 
by  Man  or  Beast."  To  add  to  their  discomfort  heavy 
rain  came  down,  making  the  streams  rise  rapidly,  and 
obstructing  their  progress.  On  a  Wednesday  they 
were  agreeably  surprised  by  some  Indians  returning 
from  war  with  only  one  scalp.  "  We  had  some  Liquor 
with  us  of  which  we  gave  them  part,  it  elevating  there 
Spirits  put  them  in  ye  Humour  of  Dauncing  of  whom 
we  had  a  War  Daunce.  There  manner  of  Dauncing  is 
as  follows  viz  They  clear  a  Large  Circle  &  make  a  Great 
Fire  in  ye  middle,  then  seat  themselves  around  it.  Ye 


Youth  23 

Speaker  makes  a  grand  Speech  telling  them  in  what 
Manner  they  are  to  Daunce.  After  he  has  finish'd  ye 
best  Dauncer  jumps  up  as  one  awaked  out  of  a  Sleep  & 
Runs  &  Jumps  about  ye  Ring  in  a  most  cornicle  Manner. 
He  is  followed  by  ye  Rest.  Then  begins  there  Musi 
cians  to  Play.  Ye  Musick  is  a  Pot  half  full  of  water, 
with  a  Deerskin  streched  over  it  as  tight  as  it  can,  &  a 
goard  with  some  shott  in  it  to  rattle  &  a  Piece  of  an 
horse's  tail  tied  to  it  to  make  it  look  fine.  Ye  one  keeps 
rattling  &  ye  others  drumming  all  ye  while  ye  others  is 
Dauncing." 

The  serious  work  of  the  party  soon  began,  to  lay  off 
lots  on  the  south  branch  of  the  Potomac.  For  six  days 
the  lines  were  run  and  the  proper  markings  made,  the 
surveyors  camping  in  a  tent,  which  on  one  night  was 
carried  away  in  a  storm.  The  young  man  was  training 
his  powers  of  observation,  and  the  process  at  times  gave 
odd  results.  He  met  a  party  of  Dutch,  on  their  way  to 
the  new  settlements  in  the  valley,  and  noted  that  they 
seemed  to  be  as  ignorant  a  set  of  people  as  the  Indians. 
The  only  ground  for  this  judgment  was  that  they  would 
never  speak  English,  but  when  spoken  to  answered  in 
Dutch.  The  party  then  turned  homeward,  leaving  one 
of  the  professional  surveyors  to  complete  the  work,  and 
after  an  uneventful  journey  of  a  week  reached  Bel- 
voir,  whence  Washington  proceeded  to  Mount  Vernon. 
The  field-work  involved  excellent  training,  and  put  the 
boy's  knowledge  to  the  touch  with  actual  conditions. 
One  of  the  results  was  a  commission  in  the  following 
year  (1749),  from  the  President  and  Master  of  William 
and  Mary  College,  appointing  him  to  be  surveyor  of  the 
newly  formed  county  of  Culpeper — his  first  public  office. 


24  George  Washington 

Though  living  with  his  brother  at  Mount  Vernon, 
George  sometimes  visited  the  family  at  Belvoir  and  was 
touched  with  a  liking  for  Mary  Gary,  the  sister  of  his 
hostess,  Sarah  Fairfax.  In  very  boyish  letters,  which 
he  copied  into  his  survey  book,  the  record  of  this  inci 
dent  is  found,  and  in  language  that  hints  at  an  even 
earlier  romance.  "  Was  my  affections  disengaged  I 
might  perhaps  form  some  pleasures  in  the  conversasion 
of  an  agreeable  Young  Lady,  as  there  's  one  now  lives  in 
the  same  house  with  me.  but  as  that  is  only  nourish 
ment  to  my  former  affec1?  for  by  often  seeing  her  brings 
the  other  into  my  remembrance  whereas  perhaps  was 
she  not  often  &  (unavoidably)  presenting  herself  to  my 
view  I  might  in  some  measure  eliviate  my  sorrows  by 
burying  the  other  in  the  grave  of  Oblivion  I  am  well 
convinced  my  heart  stands  in  defiance  of  all  others,  but 
only  she  thats  given  it  cause  enough  to  dread  a  second 
assault  and  from  a  different  Quarter  tho  I  well  know  let 
it  have  as  many  attacks  as  it  will  from  others  they  cant 
be  more  fierce  than  it  has  been."  In  a  second,  but 
no  more  coherent,  letter,  addressed  to  "  Dear  Friend 
Robin,"  he  again  refers  to  the  dangerous  temptation  he 
had  before  him,  which  only  revived  his  "  former  Passion 
for  your  Low  Land  Beauty,"  an  epithet  that  has  been 
attached  to  many  but  probably  belongs  to  none  enjoy 
ing  it.  "  Was  I  to  live  more  retired  from  young  women 
I  might  in  some  measure  eliviate  my  sorrows,  by  bury 
ing  that  chaste  and  troublesome  passion  in  the  grave  of 
oblivion  or  etarnall  forgetfulness,  for  as  I  am  very  well 
assured,  that  's  the  only  antidote  or  remedy  that  I  shall 
ever  be  relieved  by,  or  only  recess  that  can  administer 
any  cure  or  help  to  me,  as  I  am  well  convinced,  was  I 


Youth  25 

ever  to  attempt  anything,  I  should  only  get  a  denial 
which  would  be  only  adding  grief  to  uneasiness."  Were 
these  letters  actually  sent,  or  were  they,  like  so  much 
else  in  this  little  book,  mere  exercises,  an  experiment  in 
expressing  the  first  awakenings  of  the  heart  ? 

The  Ohio  Company,  a  land  and  trading  venture,  in 
which  Lawrence  Washington  was  interested,  was  formed 
in  1746,  and  gave  George  some  of  its  surveys.  That 
the  Ohio  was  the  proper  channel  for  trade  both  from 
the  South  and  the  Lakes  was  known  to  Lawrence,  who 
drew  up  a  sketch  or  prospectus  of  the  region  in  1 749, 
and  undoubtedly  inspired  George  with  an  interest  for 
this  western  country.  "  The  Lands  on  Ohio  and  its 
numerous  Branches  are  described  by  all  our  Traders  as 
vastly  rich.  The  Banks  of  the  River  expose  Coal  in 
most  parts  to  view.  The  Indians  bring  Salt  from  some 
Place  as  yet  unknown  to  our  Traders.  There  are 
numbers  of  large  Plains  clear  of  Trees  and  cover'd  with 
white  Clover.  The  Country  is  generally  very  level  and 
the  River  affords  Fish  in  great  plenty."  Their  French 
rivals  had  no  settlements  nearer  than  the  Oubash  [Wa- 
bash],  but  exercised  a  restraint  on  the  English  because 
there  was  no  shelter  or  place  of  refuge  for  the  latter. 
The  country  should  be  taken  possession  of,  and  a  forti 
fied  place  built  at  the  joining  of  the  Monongahela  with 
the  Ohio.  The  friendship  of  the  Indians  should  be 
cemented.  "  The  Indians  being  no  Geographers  esteem 
those  the  honestest  who  sell  the  cheapest,  and  was  the 
reason  why  the  Indians  on  Ohio  proclaim'd  War  against 
the  French  who  were  so  distressed  in  their  Trade  as  not 
to  be  able  to  supply  the  Indians  on  reasonable  Terms, 
neither  can  they  ever  do  it,  the  navigation  up  the  St. 


26  George  Washington 

Lawrence  being  very  dangerous,  as  likewise  there  are 
places  they  are  obliged  to  unload  and  carry  over  land 
from  St.  Lawrence  to  ye  Lakes  and  then  the  Current  in 
some  places  is  vastly  strong  and  on  the  Lakes  very  wild 
and  dangerous  so  that  I  think  the  head  of  Potomack 
the  safest  and  easiest  way  the  Indian  can  be  supply'd." 

This  was  a  scheme  that  had  a  potent  fascination  for 
the  younger  brother,  George,  throughout  his  life.  His 
earliest  journey  on  the  American  continent  was  to  the 
Ohio,  and  his  one  great  measure  of  public  improvement 
was  the  canal  system  that  was  intended  to  connect  the 
Potomac  with  the  Ohio.  Lawrence  did  not  improve  in 
health,  and  became  a  source  of  great  anxiety  to  his  fam 
ily.  He  tried  the  Warm  Springs,  but  found  no  relief. 
He  went  to  England  on  matters  connected  with  the 
Ohio  Company,  but  returned  after  a  short  visit  in  no 
better  health.  As  a  Burgess  he  had  calls  upon  his  time 
and  strength,  and  his  many  business  ventures  were  exact 
ing.  "  I  hope  your  Cough  is  much  mended  since  I  saw 
you  last,"  wrote  George  to  him  in  May,  1 749  ;  "if  so  like 
wise  hope  you  have  given  over  the  thoughts  of  leaving 
Virginia."  The  younger  man  was  then  with  his  mother, 
whose  term  of  occupancy  of  the  property  at  Bridges 
Creek,  which  had  been  left  to  her  by  her  husband,  was 
about  to  expire  ;  and  she  was  considering  a  move  to 
another  plot  on  Deep  Run,  also  willed  to  her.  The 
privacy  and  convenience  of  the  holding  were  threatened 
by  an  intention  of  a  neighbor  to  establish  a  ferry.  As 
every  permission  for  such  a  plan  must  first  be  approved 
by  the  Burgesses,  George  wrote  fully  to  Lawrence,  then 
attending  a  session  of  that  body.  "  It 's  reported  here 
that  Mr.  Spotswood  intends  to  put  down  the  Ferry  that 


Youth  27 

is  kept  at  the  Wharf  where  he  now  Lives,  and  that  Major 
Fran?  Talliaferro  intends  to  petition  the  Assembly  for 
an  Act  to  have  it  kept  from  his  House  over  against  my 
Mother's  Quarter,  and  right  through  the  very  Heart 
and  best  of  the  Land  ;  whereas  he  can  have  no  other 
view  in  it  but  for  the  Conveniency  of  a  small  Mill  he 
has  on  the  Water  side,  that  will  not  grind  above  three 
months  in  ye  twelve,  and  the  great  Inconveniency  and 
prejudice  it  will  be  to  us,  hope  it  will  not  be  granted  ; 
besides,  I  do  not  see  where  he  can  Possibly  have  a  Land 
ing  Place  on  his  side  that  will  be  sufficient  for  a  Lawful 
Landing  (by  reason  of  the  steepness  of  the  Banks).  I 
think  we  suffer  enough  with  the  Free  Ferry,  without 
being  troubled  with  such  an  unjust  and  iniquitous  Peti 
tion  as  that,  but  hope  as  its  only  a  flying  report  he  will 
consider  better  of  it  and  drop  his  pretentions." 

This  was  a  well-expressed  letter  for  a  lad  of  sixteen 
to  write,  but  all  his  work  bears  the  mark  of  maturity. 
For  this  he  was  in  all  probability  much  indebted  to  the 
influence  of  Lawrence,  and  his  associations  with  Lord 
Fairfax  and  William  Fairfax.  Among  the  rough  notes 
to  which  the  year  1 748  is  assigned,  may  be  seen  recorded, 
"  I  read  to  the  Reign  of  K  :  John,"  and,  "  In  the  Specta 
tors  Read  to  N?  143."  Whatever  his  reading  may  have 
done  for  him,  the  example  of  the  men  around  him  was 
more  powerful  in  giving  a  breadth  of  view  and  a  mas 
tery  of  principles  better  than  any  theory  or  book- 
learning.  The  details  of  business  came  easily  to  him, 
and  the  sense  of  order,  so  strongly  marked  in  every  rec 
ord  that  has  come  down,  denotes  at  once  a  source  of 
strength  and  a  limitation.  It  was  from  Lawrence  that 
he  derived  much,  and  the  few  records  of  the  brother's 


28  George  Washington 

life  are  of  high  interest  in  proving  what  must  have  been 
his  influence  over  George's  development.  It  was  only 
an  intelligent  man  who  could  have  written  of  the  Ohio 
country  as  Lawrence  wrote ;  only  a  liberal  minded  man 
who  could  have  pleaded  for  liberty  of  belief.  "  It  has 
ever  been  my  opinion,  and  I  hope  it  ever  will  be,  that  re 
straints  on  conscience  are  cruel  in  regard  to  those  on 
whom  they  are  imposed,  and  injurious  to  the  country 
imposing  them.  England,  Holland,  and  Prussia,  I  may 
quote  as  examples,  and  much  more  Pennsylvania,  which 
has  flourished  under  that  delightful  liberty,  so  as  to 
become  the  admiration  of  every  man  who  considers  the 
short  time  it  has  been  settled.  .  .  .  This  colony 
[Virginia]  was  greatly  settled  in  the  latter  part  of  Charles 
the  First's  time,  and  during  the  usurpation  by  the 
zealous  churchmen  ;  and  that  spirit,  which  was  then 
brought  in,  has  ever  since  continued ;  so  that,  except  a 
few  Quakers,  we  have  no  dissenters.  But  what  has  been 
the  consequence  ?  we  have  increased  by  slow  degrees, 
whilst  our  neighboring  colonies,  whose  natural  advan 
tages  are  greatly  inferior  to  ours,  have  become  populous." 
He  therefore  favored  the  granting  of  lands  to  German 
settlers,  without  the  condition  imposed  by  law  of  pay 
ing  parish  rates,  and  maintaining  a  clergyman  of  the 
Church  of  England. 

Even  in  his  sports  it  was  Lawrence's  encouragement 
that  urged  him  on.  The  pursuit  of  arms  had  been  the 
ambition  of  Lawrence,  but  the  results  of  the  Carthagena 
expedition  were  discouraging.  None  the  less  he  en 
couraged  George,  and  obtained  for  him  the  office  of  one 
of  the  Adjutants-General  of  Virginia  with  the  rank  of 
Major.  In  fox-hunting  Lawrence  was  a  practised  hand, 


Youth  29 

and  rode  with  the  hounds  with  the  Fairfaxes.  "His 
Lordship  proposes  drawing  Mudd  Hole  tomorrow,"  ran 
a  note  from  Belvoir,  "  first  killing  a  Fox  ;  and  then  to 
turn  down  a  Bagged  Fox  before  your  door  for  ye  diver 
sion  of  ye  Ladys.  .  .  .  We  took  the  Fox  yester 
day  without  Hurt."  The  raising  of  fine  horses  was 
peculiar  to  Maryland  and  Virginia,  and  the  annual  meet 
ings  for  racing  were,  next  to  the  assembling  of  the 
Burgesses,  the  most  important  event  of  the  year.  With 
the  love  of  hunting  went  the  breeding  of  hunting-dogs, 
and  the  interchange  of  hounds,  with  somewhat  boastful 
claims  for  eminence  of  breed,  was  often  a  subject  of 
correspondence.  Cock-fighting  was  not  disdained,  and 
the  life  in  the  open  air  gave  a  zest  to  the  ruder  sports. 
Lawrence  continued  to  decline  in  health,  and  was 
urged  to  try  a  visit  to  the  West  Indies,  where  the  cli 
mate  might  check  the  progress  of  his  trouble,  if  not  bring 
relief.  Taking  George  as  a  companion,  he  left  Virginia 
towards  the  end  of  September,  1 75 1,  on  a  vessel  believed 
to  have  been  a  Virginia  craft.  A  sea  voyage  in  that  day 
was  long,  and  the  Atlantic  was  not  kind  to  the  travellers. 
Fishing  and  copying  the  ship's  log  were  the  amusements 
of  George,  and  it  was  only  a  storm,  which  lasted  for 
some  days,  that  broke  the  monotony  of  the  voyage. 
The  large  seas  "  eminently  endangered  our  masts,"  and 
after  forty-eight  hours,  even  the  "  seamen  seem'd  dis- 
heartned  confessing  they  never  had  seen  such  weather 
before."  The  rigging  suffered  much,  and  the  bread  was 
found  to  be  almost  eaten  up  by  weavil  and  maggot.  At 
last,  the  steady  trade  wind  set  in,  "  which  after  near  five 
weeks  buffiting  &  being  toss'd  by  a  fickle  &  Merciless 
ocean  was  glad'ening  knews."  A  few  days  later  they 


30  George  Washington 

were  aroused  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning  by  the  cry 
of  land,  a  surprise,  for  they  were  far  out  of  their  course, 
and  but  for  this  chance  sighting  of  the  island  might  have 
passed  it  and  not  secured  their  harbor  for  three  or  four 
weeks.  It  did  not  speak  well  for  the  seamanship  of  that 
day,  though  the  log  was  well  kept. 

Lawrence  Washington,  as  an  officer  in  the  king's 
army  of  the  Carthagena  expedition,  would  be  known  to 
the  English  commandant  at  James  Fort,  which  defended 
Carlisle  Bay.  Civilities  were  interchanged  on  the  first 
days  of  landing,  and  a  house  was  obtained  in  the  country, 
about  a  mile  from  town,  and  standing  high  so  as  to  give 
a  view  of  the  harbor  and  shipping,  "  in  such  a  manner 
that  none  can  go  in  or  out  with  out  being  open  to  our 
view."  Hardly  a  day  passed  without  some  social  event, 
now  a  dinner,  now  a  supper ;  a  celebration  of  the  Gun 
powder  Plot,  and  a  meeting  of  the  Beefsteak  and  Tripe 
Club,  which  from  its  name  must  have  contained  some 
odd  material.  The  Virginians  were  charmed  with  the 
country,  its  rich  vegetation,  its  delightful  green, — the 
tropical  green  so  brilliant  and  yet  so  restful  to  the  eye, 
— and  the  companionship  offered.  Major  Clarke,  the 
commander,  was  unremitting  in  his  kindness  and  cour 
teous  attention,  though  it  involved  an  unfortunate  ex 
perience  for  the  younger  Washington.  On  a  Thursday 
he  "  was  treated  with  a  play  ticket  by  Mr.  Carter,  to 
see  the  Tragedy  of  George  Barnwell  acted  :  the  char 
acter  of  Barnwell  and  several  others  was  said  to  be  well 
perform'd,  there  was  Musick  a  Dapted  and  regularly 

conducted   by  Mr.  ."      Two  days  after  he  was 

strongly  attacked  with  the  smallpox,  a  disease  that  was 
known  to  be  in  the  Clarke  household,  and  for  more 


Youth  3 1 

than  three  weeks  he  was  not  permitted  to  go  out  of  his 
quarters.  The  attack  was  not  so  severe  as  was  thought, 
but  George  carried  the  marks  in  his  face  for  the  remain 
der  of  his  life.  In  another  week  he  prepared  for  his 
homeward  journey,  after  a  six  weeks'  stay  on  the  island, 
which  brought  no  relief  to  Lawrence  and  had  imposed 
a  heavy  illness  on  George.  So  short  a  stay  could  not 
have  had  any  marked  effect  on  the  pulmonary  disease 
under  which  Lawrence  was  sinking,  and  he  was  urged 
to  remain  at  least  a  year,  to  have  a  full  trial  of  the 
climate.  George  returned  to  Virginia,  and  some  weeks 
later  Lawrence  went  to  Bermuda.  In  April  he  wrote 
from  that  island  :  "  I  have  now  got  to  my  last  refuge, 
where  I  must  receive  my  final  sentence,  which  at  pres 
ent  Dr.  Forbes  will  not  pronounce.  He  leaves  me, 
however,  I  think,  like  a  criminal  condemned,  though 
not  without  hopes  of  reprieve.  But  this  I  am  to  obtain 
by  meritoriously  abstaining  from  flesh  of  every  sort,  all 
strong  liquors,  and  by  riding  as  much  as  I  can  bear. 
These  are  the  only  terms  on  which  I  am  to  hope  for 
life.  ...  As  my  endeavor  to  overcome  this  cruel 
disorder  has  already  cost  me  much  money  and  fatigue,  I 
should  unwillingly  give  over  the  pursuit  whilst  any  just 
foundation  for  hope  remains.  Six  weeks  will  determine 
me  what  to  resolve  on.  Forbes  advises  the  south  of 
France,  or  else  Barbadoes." 

The  letter  was  written  in  a  somewhat  hopeless  tone, 
very  natural  to  one  contending  with  a  disease  that  must 
run  its  course.  A  few  weeks  afterwards  his  courage 
gave  out,  and  he  wrote  even  more  despondently.  "  The 
unhappy  state  of  health  which  I  labor  under,  makes  me 
uncertain  as  to  my  return.  If  I  grow  worse,  I  shall 


32  George  Washington 

hurry  home  to  my  grave ;  if  better,  I  shall  be  induced 
to  stay  longer  here  to  complete  a  cure."  It  was  not  to 
be,  however,  and  in  July  he  returned  to  Virginia  in  a 
very  low  condition,  dying  at  Mount  Vernon,  26  July, 
1752.  By  his  wife  he  had  four  children,  only  one  of 
whom,  his  daughter,  Sarah,  survived  him.  To  her  was 
left  Mount  Vernon,  and  fearing  she  too  was  short-lived, 
the  property  was  to  go  to  George  in  the  event  of  her 
death.  She  did  not  survive  her  father  more  than  a  few 
months,  and  thus  the  place  so  intimately  associated  with 
George  Washington  came  into  his  possession.  It  was 
Lawrence  who  gave  to  it  the  name  of  Mount  Vernon, 
but  it  was  George  who  made  it  so  known  and  respected 
as  to  be  neutral  ground  in  a  bitter  civil  war.  In  the 
death  of  his  half-brother,  George  lost  his  best  adviser, 
and  an  influence  which,  short  as  it  had  been,  left  a  last 
ing  impress  on  his  mind  and  habits  of  thought. 

After  his  return  from  Barbados,  George  was  at 
Mount  Vernon,  and  was  taken  with  a  "  violent  pleurise, 
which  has  reduced  me  very  low."  In  June  he  was  so 
far  recovered  as  to  attend  the  theatrical  performances 
of  a  company  of  comedians  from  the  new  theatre  at 
Williamsburg,  who  were  playing  at  Williamsburg  during 
the  June  fair. 

The  young  man  was  too  much  occupied  as  manager 
of  his  mother's  and  his  own  properties  to  take  many 
pleasures.  The  comparative  isolation  of  a  Virginia 
plantation  made  visits  few  and  far  between,  but  he  was 
forming  acquaintances  and  friends  who  came  forward, 
when  occasion  called,  to  give  him  a  full  and  ready  as 
sistance.  By  his  property  and  family,  he  was  destined 
at  some  time  to  take  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Burgesses, 


Youth  33 

the  legislature  of  the  colony.  The  favor  shown  to  him 
by  Lord  Fairfax  was  ever  a  helpful  influence,  for  his 
power  was  great  and  his  possessions  comprised  a  little 
kingdom,  in  which  his  word  would  be  law  if  the  land 
should  ever  be  dotted  with  tenantry.  No  governor  of 
the  colony  could  overlook  the  importance  of  the  Fair 
fax  interest,  and  it  was  only  natural  for  the  favorites  of 
the  self-exiled  baron  to  be  regarded  well  at  Williams- 
burg.  There  is  no  evidence  of  a  dominant  care  or 
fatherly  interest  shown  at  Greenway  Court  for  the 
young  George  ;  but  the  mere  fact  of  friendship  and  in 
tercourse  had  a  marked  agency  in  bringing  George  for 
ward.  The  men  he  met  in  this  intercourse  were  those 
who  held  within  their  gift  the  offices  and  honors  of  the 
colony  ;  but  it  was  Lawrence  who  gave  him  the  ability 
and  patient  study,  with  the  necessary  breadth  of  mind, 
to  seize  his  opportunities  and  make  the  most  of  them. 
How  well  George  had  laid  the  foundations  of  his  friend 
ships,  his  whole  career  proved  ;  but  no  incident  was 
more  to  the  point  than  his  first  public  employment. 


CHAPTER  III 

FORT    NECESSITY 

RIGINALLY  formed  for  colonizing 
the  back  parts  of  Virginia,  the  Ohio 
Company  was  primarily  an  enter 
prise  to  secure  the  trade  of  the 
western  country.  Formed  in  1749 
it  was  comprised  of  twenty  share 
holders,  who  at  once  began  to  lay 
siege  to  the  ministry  for  a  grant  of  extensive  territory, 
not  less  than  six  hundred  thousand  acres,  and  as  ex 
tensive  privileges  over  its  control.  To  state  and  assert 
their  rights  or  claims  they  appointed  an  agent  in  Eng 
land,  and  sent  Christopher  Gist,  a  trained  backwoods 
man,  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  storehouse  on  the 
Ohio.  The  half-brother  of  Washington,  Lawrence,  was 
interested,  and  the  Governor  of  the  Colony  was  also 
enlisted  as  a  useful  and  perhaps  a  powerful  ally.  At 
Will's  Creek  the  storehouse  was  located,  and  about  a 
dozen  families  settled  in  its  neighborhood.  One  danger 
threatened  their  safety,  the  pretensions  of  the  French, 
now  taking  a  positive  form  in  an  expedition  of  so-called 
discovery  and  occupation  down  the  Ohio  River.  Ru 
mors  reached  the  English  of  the  planting  of  lead  plates  as 

34 


Fort  Necessity  35 

symbols  of  possession,  and  dealings  with  the  Indians 
looking  towards  a  recognition  of  the  French  as  their 
allies  and  masters. 

The  colonies  were  not  unmindful  of  their  safety. 
They  looked  with  distrust  upon  the  progress  of  the 
French  to  the  north,  and  fretted  at  the  presence  of  the 
Spanish  to  the  south.  The  importance  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  both  in  a  military  and  commercial  aspect,  could 
not  be  fully  appreciated,  and  yet  the  territory  between 
the  ocean  and  that  river  was  looked  upon  as  English 
ground.  The  fur  trade  alone  made  its  occupation  de 
sirable,  and  the  friendship  of  the  Indian  tribes  of  that 
region  was  an  essential  element  in  securing  that  trade. 
Any  advance  of  the  French,  either  in  territory  or  in 
cultivating  relations  with  the  Indians,  excited  the  jeal 
ousies  and  apprehensions  of  the  English  colonists.  The 
governors  were  granting  lands,  licensing  traders  to  con 
duct  the  trade  with  the  Indians,  and  settlers  were  push 
ing  their  way  through  the  woods,  over  the  mountains, 
and  towards  the  great  Ohio  valley  and  the  Mississippi. 
Nor  was  the  rivalry  among  the  English  settlements  of 
a  friendly  nature.  The  prize  to  be  sought,  a  monopoly 
of  the  fur  trade,  was  too  rich  to  be  lightly  neglected. 
New  York  held  a  position  of  vantage,  and  had  estab 
lished  a  large  and  profitable  trade  by  way  of  Albany. 
Pennsylvania  proposed  to  build  a  road  over  the  moun 
tains  to  the  Ohio,  hoping  by  that  means  to  draw  some 
of  this  trade  to  her  own  account.  Virginia  was  more  to 
be  feared  as  a  rival  than  New  York,  and  was  quite  as 
intent  upon  securing  an  easy  communication  to  the 
west.  The  two  colonies  laid  claims  to  the  same  territory, 
and  the  settlements  of  one  in  the  disputed  sections  led 


36  George  Washington 

to  reprisals  and  threats  of  war.  To  complicate  matters, 
land  rights,  covering  the  same  acres,  were  issued  by  the 
rival  governors.  The  cession  from  the  Indians  was 
made  generally  to  the  English  ;  but  no  line  marked 
the  bounds  between  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  and  the 
first  move  of  Virginia  to  form  settlements  in  this  coun 
try  aroused  the  jealousy  of  Pennsylvania,  and  in  the  end 
resulted  in  armed  expeditions  and  almost  a  civil  war. 

The  English  ministry  noticed  these  advances  of  the 
French,  and  sent  positive  orders  to  the  colonial  govern 
ors  to  require  the  subjects  of  any  foreign  powers  tres 
passing  or  building  forts  on  the  territory  claimed,  to 
desist  from  any  such  unlawful  undertakings,  and  to  use 
force  should  their  demands  be  disregarded.  Dinwiddie 
was  prompt  to  act,  summoned  the  Assembly  to  vote  an 
aid,  and  dividing  the  Dominion  into  four  districts,  ap 
pointed  an  adjutant  in  each  one  to  direct  the  raising 
and  training  of  the  militia.  The  Burgesses,  not  in  the 
best  of  humor,  refused  to  vote  any  money,  and  the 
Governor  determined  to  send  a  messenger  with  a  letter 
to  the  French  commandant  on  the  Ohio.  The  executive 
of  Pennsylvania,  learning  of  this,  decided  to  await  the 
event  of  the  mission  before  taking  steps  on  its  own 
account.  Dinwiddie  notified  Governor  Hamilton  of  his 
action,  saying  he  had  sent  a  person  of  distinction  as  the 
bearer  of  the  mandate,  and  this  person  was  Washington. 

The  risks  of  the  venture  were  more  than  compen 
sated  by  the  opportunity  for  adventure  and  the  reward 
of  success.  The  eagerness  of  the  young  messenger 
was  shown  by  his  starting  from  Fredericksburg  on  his 
journey  the  same  day  the  commission  was  received. 
His  desire  to  be  successful  was  proved  in  his  selection 


Fort  Necessity  37 

of  companions.  Jacob  Van  Braam  was  a  Hollander, 
who  had  served  under  Lawrence  Washington  in  the 
Carthagena  expedition,  and  had  also  taught  George  the 
use  of  the  sword.  He  was  further  desirable  in  this 
journey  because  he  could  understand  French,  and  so 
act  as  an  interpreter.  After  providing  themselves  with 
horses,  baggage,  and  necessaries,  the  two  followed  the 
new  road  to  Will's  Creek,  arriving  there  two  weeks  after 
leaving  Fredericksburg.  Here  they  were  joined  by 
Christopher  Gist,  a  man  long  in  the  service  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  skilled  in  woodcraft  and  well  acquainted  with 
the  Indians,  making  a  valuable  guide  and  counselor. 
Four  servitors  completed  the  little  company,  and  a  start 
was  made  in  November. 

Excessive  rains  and  vast  quantities  of  snow  checked 
their  progress  ;  their  horses  strayed  and  detained  them  ; 
and  from  seven  to  ten  miles  a  day  were  accounted  a 
fair  rate.  At  length  the  banks  of  the  Ohio  were 
reached,  but  no  crossing  could  be  made  without  swim 
ming  the  horses.  A  canoe  was  obtained,  and  while 
waiting  for  it,  Washington  made  notes  on  the  military 
features  of  the  country.  His  keen  eye  showed  him  that 
the  place  selected  for  a  fort  by  the  Ohio  Company  was 
not  the  best  available,  either  for  defense  or  general  ad 
vantages.  The  natural  lay  of  the  land  made  it  difficult 
to  build  as  the  Company  had  planned,  whereas  at  the 
fork,  a  fort  would  have  full  command  of  both  the  Ohio 
and  the  Monongahela,  and  the  latter  river  was  admi 
rable  for  water  carriage,  a  matter  of  great  importance. 

The  success  of  this  venture  rested  on  the  assistance 
of  the  Indians.  To  obtain  their  countenance  involved 
some  little  delicacy  of  approach,  for  they  had  been  as 


38  George  Washington     .- 

severely  harried  by  the  English  as  by  the  French,  and 
had  come  to  look  upon  the  pushing  colonists  with  dis 
trust.  The  hunters  invaded  their  territory,  the  traders 
cheated  them  both  buying  and  selling,  and  the  settler 
looked  upon  a  land  warrant  from  the  governor  as  a  full 
title  to  what  the  native  could  claim  only  by  right  of  pre 
scription  and  occupation.  Fortunately  for  Washington, 
the  French  commandant  had  just  given  great  offense  to 
the  Half-King.  Alarmed  by  the  encroachments  of  the 
French,  the  Indian  had  gone  to  the  General  to  remind 
him  of  the  treaty  made  with  the  natives  and  to  request 
that  no  further  seizure  of  land  be  made.  "  You  need  not 
put  yourself  to  the  trouble  of  speaking,"  was  the  inso 
lent  reply,  "  for  I  will  not  hear  you.  I  am  not  afraid  of 
flies,  or  musquitos,  for  Indians  are  such  as  those.  I 
tell  you,  down  that  river  I  will  go,  and  will  build  upon 
it,  according  to  my  command.  ...  If  people  will 
be  ruled  by  me,  they  may  expect  kindness,  but  not 
else." 

With  such  an  answer  still  ringing  in  their  ears,  the 
Indians  met  Dinwiddie's  messenger  in  a  friendly  spirit, 
and  took  counsel  with  him  on  the  measures  to  be  taken. 
Washington,  had  his  real  mission  been  known  to  them, 
would  have  been  no  more  welcome  than  the  French. 
He  represented  the  English  land  grabber  as  the  French 
general  had  represented  the  French  interests,  and 
neither  would  in  the  event  recognize  any  claim  set 
forth  by  the  Indians.  It  is  not  to  be  denied  that 
Washington  used  some  concealment  of  his  purpose, 
merely  stating  that  he  had  an  important  message  to  be 
delivered  to  the  French.  Of  the  nature  of  that  request 
he  said  nothing,  and  avoided  answering  the  curious 


Fort  Necessity  39 

questioning  of  the  natives.  The  formalities  of  inter 
course  made  delays  for  him,  as  the  belt  of  wampum,  of 
immense  significance  to  the  chiefs,  was  to  be  returned 
to  the  French,  and  could  be  obtained  only  after  some 
days.  While  reluctantly  awaiting  the  arrival  of  this 
symbol  of  friendship,  the  return  of  which  implied  war, 
Washington  parried  the  curiosity  of  the  sachems,  yet 
doing  all  in  his  power  to  comply  with  their  wishes. 
For  four  days  he  chafed  under  this  delay,  and  finally 
started  with  four  of  the  Indians  as  guards,  the  Half- 
King  being  one  of  the  party.  A  larger  escort  of  In 
dians,  it  was  thought,  might  awaken  the  suspicions  of 
the  French. 

On  December  4th,  nearly  five  weeks  after  setting 
out  on  the  journey,  the  old  Indian  town  at  the  mouth 
of  French  Creek,  on  the  Ohio,  was  reached.  Here  the 
French  had  hoisted  their  colors,  and  received  the  Vir 
ginians  with  great  complaisance.  In  the  flush  of  their 
hospitality,  when  somewhat  heated  with  wine,  they 
became  confidential  and  spoke  freely  of  their  intentions 
to  hold  the  Ohio,  towards  which  four  forts  were  already 
garrisoned.  The  location  of  these  stations  and  the 
force  holding  them  were  subjects  that  interested  Wash 
ington,  and  from  his  genial  entertainers  he  gained  all 
the  information  he  needed.  In  return  he  was  forced  to 
give  something — his  Indian  allies.  Under  the  beguiling 
influences  of  the  words  of  the  half-breed,  Joncaire,  and 
of  the  wine,  with  which  they  were  freely  plied,  they  be 
came  incapable  of  performing  the  business  on  which 
they  had  come.  The  Delawares  refused  to  recognize 
them  as  messengers  of  war,  and  could  not  be  prevailed 
on  to  give  up  their  belt  of  wampum. 


40  George  Washington     £ 

The  Half-King  insisted  upon  remaining  over  a  day, 
that  he  might  give  his  message  to  the  French,  but  the 
council  proved  of  no  service,  as  Washington  had  fore 
seen.  Only  the  commander  of  the  French  forces  could 
properly  receive  the  belt,  and  he  was  at  the  fort.  Be 
cause  of  the  rain,  snow,  swamps,  and  swollen  creeks, 
four  days  were  occupied  in  the  journey.  The  party 
was  obliged  to  abandon  one  of  their  horses,  and,  unable 
to  find  logs  for  a  raft,  could  not  cross  the  main  creek. 
Finally  the  fort  was  reached,  and  Washington  offered 
his  letter  to  the  commandant,  Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre, 
a  man  well  advanced  in  life,  but  of  soldierly  bear 
ing.  While  the  contents  were  being  considered  in 
council  of  war,  Washington  examined  the  situation  and 
condition  of  the  fort,  the  distribution  of  the  buildings, 
and  the  size  of  the  garrison,  even  counting  the  number 
of  canoes  on  the  bank  of  the  river. 

Again  were  the  Indians  a  source  of  delay.  The  Vir 
ginian  looked  with  suspicion  upon  all  the  movements  of 
the  French.  They  planned  to  separate  him  from  his 
native  allies ;  they  refused  to  receive  the  belt  and 
promised  gifts,  corrupting  the  loyalty  of  the  chiefs ;  on 
the  plea  of  going  to  Logstown  for  those  gifts,  he  saw 
a  scheme  to  intercept  and  arrest  any  English  trader  to 
be  met.  Anxious  as  he  was  to  leave,  he  could  not  go 
without  an  answer  to  Dinwiddie's  letter  and  summons, 
but  every  day  made  his  relations  with  the  Indians  more 
uncertain.  He  plead  with  the  Half-King,  but  was  told 
the  French  commandant  would  not  permit  him  to  go. 
He  complained  of  ill  treatment  to  the  commandant, 
as  keeping  the  Indians  was  keeping  him  ;  but  he  was 
met  by  protests  of  good  faith,  and  assertions  that  the 


Fort  Necessity  41 

Indians  were  free  to  go.  It  was  not  until  later  that  he 
learned  of  an  offer  of  a  present  of  guns,  to  induce  the 
Indians  to  delay  ;  and  so  large  was  the  bribe,  that  it  was 
with  the  greatest  difficulty  they  could  be  drawn  away. 

As  there  had  been  much  snow,  the  horses  had  been 
sent  on  ahead  to  Venango,  towards  which  Washington 
and  his  party  went  by  water.  "  Many  times  were 
obliged  all  hands  to  get  out  and  remain  in  the  water 
half  an  hour  or  more,  getting  over  the  shoals."  The 
progress  was  slow,  tedious,  and  dangerous.  Some  of 
the  French  had  followed  them.  "  We  had  the  pleasure," 
hard  old  Gist  wrote,  of  seeing  the  French  overset,  and 
the  brandy  and  wine  floating  in  the  creek.  A  stop  was 
made  at  Venango,  and  again  was  the  Half-King  tempted 
to  remain  and  listen  to  the  proffers  of  the  wily  Joncaire. 
Finding  the  horses  growing  weaker  each  day,  they  were 
used  only  for  carrying  the  baggage.  Even  this  con 
cession  of  comfort  did  not  bring  improvement.  "  I  put 
myself  in  an  Indian  walking  dress,  and  continued  with 
them  three  days,  till  I  found  there  was  no  probability 
of  their  getting  home  in  any  reasonable  time.  The 
horses  grew  less  able  to  travel  every  day ;  the  cold  in 
creased  very  fast ;  and  the  roads  were  becoming  much 
worse  by  a  deep  snow,  continually  freezing ;  therefore 
as  I  was  uneasy  to  get  back,  to  make  report  of  my  pro 
ceedings  to  his  Honour,  the  Governor,  I  determined  to 
prosecute  my  journey  the  nearest  way  through  the 
woods,  on  foot." 

Such  a  step  involved  serious  peril.  With  his  gun  in 
hand  and  his  pack  on  his  back,  with  only  Gist  for  a 
companion,  he  started  on  a  long  journey  in  midwinter, 
through  a  desolate  country.  Huts  or  settlements  were 


42  George  Washington     > 

far  distant,  and  a  wily  and  treacherous  foe  was  behind 
him,  with  a  real  interest  in  preventing  him  from  reaching 
his  goal.  He  was  not  accustomed  to  make  long  marches 
on  foot,  and  it  was  for  this  reason  that  even  Gist  sought 
to  dissuade  him  from  undertaking  the  hazard.  Mere 
snow  and  ice  were  not  the  evils  to  be  most  dreaded. 
The  fatigue  of  forced  marches,  and  the  almost  certainty 
of  opposition  from  the  French  and  their  Indians,  were 
greater  perils,  and  seemed  to  make  success  impossible. 
Of  what  did  happen  to  the  travellers  Washington  gave 
a  bare  mention,  though  it  involved  serious  danger  to 
him.  He  enters  in  his  journal  the  meeting  with  some 
French  Indians  who  had  lain  in  wait  for  them,  one  of 
whom  had  fired  at  Gist  or  himself,  not  fifteen  steps  off, 
but  fortunately  missed.  Gist  is  a  better  remembrancer 
of  this  exciting  incident. 

"  Here  we  met  with  an  Indian,  whom  I  thought  I 
had  seen  at  Joncaire's,  at  Venango,  when  on  our  journey 
up  to  the  French  fort.  This  fellow  called  me  by  my  In 
dian  name,  and  pretended  to  be  glad  to  see  me.  He 
asked  me  several  questions,  as  how  we  came  to  travel 
on  foot,  when  we  left  Venango,  where  we  parted  with 
our  horses,  and  when  they  would  be  there,  &c.  Major 
Washington  insisted  on  travelling  on  the  nearest  way 
to  the  forks  of  the  Alleghany.  We  asked  the  Indian  if 
he  could  go  with  us,  and  show  us  the  nearest  way. 
The  Indian  seemed  very  glad  and  ready  to  go  with  us. 
Upon  which  we  set  out,  and  the  Indian  took  the  Major's 
pack.  We  travelled  very  brisk  for  eight  or  ten  miles, 
when  the  Major's  feet  grew  very  sore,  and  he  very 
weary,  and  the  Indian  steered  too  much  northeast 
wardly.  The  Major  desired  to  encamp,  to  which  the 


Fort  Necessity  43 

Indian  asked  to  carry  his  gun,  but  he  refused  that,  and 
then  the  Indian  grew  churlish,  and  pressed  us  to  keep 
on,  telling  us  that  there  were  Ottawa  Indians  in  these 
woods,  and  they  would  scalp  us  if  we  lay  out ;  but  go 
to  his  cabin,  and  we  would  be  safe.  I  thought  very  ill 
of  the  fellow,  but  did  not  care  to  let  the  Major  know  I 
distrusted  him.  But  he  soon  distrusted  him  as  much 
as  I.  He  said  he  could  hear  a  gun  to  his  cabin,  and 
steered  us  more  northwardly.  We  grew  uneasy,  and 
then  he  said  two  whoops  might  be  heard  to  his  cabin. 
We  went  two  miles  further ;  then  the  Major  said  he 
would  stay  at  the  next  water,  and  we  desired  the  Indian 
to  stop  at  the  next  water.  But  before  we  came  to 
water,  we  came  to  a  clear  meadow ;  it  was  very  light, 
and  snow  on  the  ground.  The  Indian  made  a  stop, 
turned  about ;  the  Major  saw  him  point  his  gun  toward 
us  and  fire.  Said  the  Major,  'Are  you  shot?'  '  No,' 
said  I.  Upon  which  the  Indian  run  forward  to  a  big 
standing  white  oak,  and  to  loading  his  gun  ;  but  we 
were  soon  with  him.  I  would  have  killed  him  ;  but  the 
Major  would  not  suffer  me  to  kill  him.  We  let  him 
charge  his  gun  ;  we  found  he  put  in  a  ball ;  then  we 
took  care  of  him.  The  Major  or  I  always  stood  by  the 
guns ;  we  made  him  make  a  fire  for  us  by  a  little  run,  as 
if  we  intended  to  sleep  there.  I  said  to  the  Major,  '  As 
you  will  not  have  him  killed,  we  must  get  him  away,  and 
then  we  must  travel  all  night.'  Upon  which  I  said  to 
the  Indian,  *  I  suppose  you  were  lost  and  fired  your 
gun.'  He  said,  he  knew  the  way  to  his  cabin,  and 
'twas  but  a  little  way.  'Well,'  said  I,  'do  you  go 
home,  and  as  we  are  much  tired,  we  will  follow  your 
track  in  the  morning  ;  and  here  is  a  cake  of  bread  for 


44  George  Washington    .- 

you,  and  you  must  give  us  meat  in  the  morning.'  He 
was  glad  to  get  away.  I  followed  him,  and  listened 
until  he  was  fairly  out  of  the  way,  and  then  we  set  out 
about  half  a  mile,  when  we  made  a  fire,  set  our  com 
pass,  and  fixed  our  course,  and  travelled  all  night,  and 
in  the  morning  we  were  on  the  head  of  Piney  Creek." 
As  a  simple  relation  of  endurance,  bravery,  and  mercy 
the  story  holds  a  high  place ;  as  a  description  of  the 
leading  elements  of  Washington's  character,  even  at 
this  early  period,  it  is  worth  more  than  the  thousand 
and  one  legends  that  have  grown  round  his  life. 

Nor  did  the  Indians  constitute  the  only  peril  beset 
ting  the  travellers.  Upon  reaching  the  Alleghany  River, 
which  they  expected  to  find  frozen  over,  they  recognized 
the  impossibility  of  crossing.  The  ice  extended  about 
fifty  feet  from  each  shore,  but  the  river  was  open  be 
tween,  and  immense  quantities  of  ice  were  being  carried 
down  by  the  swift  current.  With  no  tools  save  one 
poor  hatchet,  the  task  of  making  a  raft  occupied  them 
all  day,  and  just  after  sunset  they  launched  it  and 
started  on  their  perilous  crossing.  "  But  before  we 
were  Half  way  over,  we  were  jammed  in  the  Ice,  in  such 
a  Manner  that  we  expected  every  Moment  our  Raft  to 
sink,  and  ourselves  to  perish.  I  put  out  my  setting 
Pole  to  try  to  stop  the  Raft,  that  the  Ice  might  pass 
by  ;  when  the  Rapidity  of  the  Stream  threw  it  with  so 
much  violence  against  the  Pole,  that  it  jerked  me  out 
into  ten  Feet  Water  :  but  I  fortunately  saved  myself 
by  catching  hold  of  one  of  the  Raft  Logs."  They 
found  that  they  could  not  cross  the  river,  and  quitted 
their  raft  to  land  on  an  island,  where  the  night  was 
spent.  So  severe  was  the  cold  that  Gist  had  all  of  his 


Fort  Necessity  45 

fingers  and  some  of  his  toes  frozen,  in  spite  of  which 
they  made  their  way  the  next  day  to  Frazier's. 

This  adventure  was  not  the  end  of  their  troubles. 
Although  they  were  now  near  the  settlements,  it  was 
difficult  to  procure  horses.  While  waiting  for  these, 
Washington  gave  evidence  of  his  practical  sagacity,  for 
he  used  the  interval  to  visit  an  Indian,  Queen  Aliquippa, 
whose  sensibilities  had  been  touched  by  his  omitting  to 
call  upon  her  on  his  first  passing.  Her  hurt  feelings 
were  easily  soothed.  "  I  made  her  a  present  of  a  match 
coat  and  a  bottle  of  rum  ;  which  latter  was  thought 
much  the  best  present  of  the  two."  It  was  the  coming 
of  Washington,  however,  that  enabled  her  to  admit  that 
he  was  not  unmindful  of  her  influence  and  authority. 

Horses  were  at  length  obtained,  and  each  day  slowly 
shortened  the  distance  to  be  overcome,  not  without  inci 
dent.  A  train  of  seventeen  horses  was  encountered, 
carrying  materials  and  stores  for  a  fort  at  the  forks  of 
the  Ohio,  showing  that  the  authorities  had  not  been  idle 
while  he  was  on  his  mission.  Some  families,  too,  were  on 
their  way  to  this  new  settlement,undeterred  by  the  reports 
of  warlike  Indians,  of  massacres,  and  the  trials  of  a  mid 
winter  existence  in  those  remote  and  helpless  regions. 
Washington  could  tell  of  his  experiences  and  what  he 
had  learned  from  some  Indian  warriors,  of  settlers  killed 
and  scalped  on  their  little  holdings,  and  no  trace  of 
their  murderers  or  of  the  cause  of  so  cruel  a  vengeance, 
gruesome  evidence  of  the  implacable  enmity  between 
the  natives  and  the  intruding  whites. 

At  length,  nearly  ten  weeks  after  setting  out  on  his 
journey,  Washington  reached  the  friendly  shelter  of 
Belvoir,  where  he  remained  one  day  to  take  a  necessary 


46  George  Washington 

rest.  On  the  i6th  of  January,  1754,  he  delivered  the 
letter  of  the  French  commandant  into  the  hands  of  the 
Governor,  thus  practically  ending  the  task  set  before 
him.  "  I  hope  what  has  been  said,"  he  writes  as  the 
closing  sentence  of  his  narrative,  "will  be  sufficient  to 
make  your  Honour  satisfied  with  my  conduct ;  for  that 
was  my  aim  in  undertaking  the  journey,  and  chief  study 
throughout  the  prosecution  of  it." 

The  measure  of  his  success  is  not  to  be  weighed  by 
what  he  tells  in  his  journal.  The  great  object  had  been 
accomplished.  Notice  had  been  served  on  the  French 
that  they  would  be  regarded  and  treated  as  trespassers, 
their  fort  or  station  would  be  taken,  and  they  them 
selves  expelled  from  the  country  by  force.  The  claims 
of  the  English  were  asserted,  and  their  full  intention  of 
making  those  claims  good  was  made  known.  The 
Indians  had  been  judiciously  told  to  regard  the  English 
as  their  friends,  and  to  look  to  them  for  protection 
against  the  manifestly  hostile  appearance  of  the  French. 
Between  two  advancing  waves  of  occupation  the  natives 
were  bewildered,  and  hesitated  where  to  look  for  coun 
tenance.  It  was  a  far-sighted  measure  to  court  their 
alliance  at  such  a  juncture,  and  the  young  Virginian 
performed  this  very  difficult  part  of  his  mission  with 
discretion  and  with  the  promise  of  good  results.  The 
information  gained  was  not  palatable  to  the  colonies, 
and  was  viewed  with  suspicion,  being  looked  upon  as  a 
fiction  to  promote  the  interests  of  a  private  company. 
The  Burgesses,  already  at  odds  with  the  Governor, 
refused  to  make  any  appropriations  for  repelling  the 
French. 

Dinwiddie,  having  prorogued  the  Assembly  to  meet 


Fort  Necessity  47 

again  in  April,  took  the  advice  of  his  Council  and  deter 
mined  to  send  two  hundred  men  to  build  a  fort  on  the 
Ohio  and  resist  any  attack  the  French  or  their  allies 
might  make.  Washington,  still  an  adjutant  of  one  of 
the  four  military  districts  and  holding  the  rank  of  major, 
was  commissioned  to  command  one  hundred  men  to 
be  raised  of  the  militia  in  Frederick  and  Augusta — an 
advance  corps  of  a  larger  force  the  Governor  hoped  to 
obtain  from  the  Assembly.  A  second  company  of  one 
hundred  men  was  to  be  raised  among  the  Indian  traders 
and  commanded  by  William  Trent,  a  man  of  influence 
in  both  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  and  in  business  rela 
tions  with  Benjamin  Franklin.  Maryland  promised  co 
operation,  and  the  Indians  only  waited  for  the  forces  of 
the  English  to  appear  before  they  came  out  Jn  their 
favor,  for  the  stronger  party  would  inevitably  win  their 
support.  Time  was  an  important  element,  as  the  French 
intended  to  bring  a  larger  force  down  the  river  in  the 
spring.  Urged  by  these  considerations  the  Governor 
summoned  the  Assembly  to  meet  in  February,  and  at 
the  opening  of  the  session  he  laid  before  them  the  results 
of  Washington's  mission,  with  rumors  of  barbarities 
committed  on  the  frontier  settlers  by  Indians,  at  the 
instigation,  it  was  believed,  of  the  French.  The  cannon, 
powder,  and  ordnance  stores  given  by  the  King  had 
arrived,  and  been  sent  forward  ;  and  it  only  remained  for 
the  Colony  to  do  its  part  by  voting  a  proper  supply. 
The  appeal  was  successful  in  the  main  purpose,  and 
£10,000  were  voted,  but  so  "clogged  with  unreasonable 
regulations  and  encroachments  on  the  prerogative,"  that 
Dinwiddie  hesitated  to  accept  it.  He  noted  that  the 
Burgesses  were  "very  much  in  a  republican  way  of 


48  George  Washington 

thinking/'  but  was  enabled  to  plan  for  six  companies  of 
men  to  march  as  soon  as  ready  to  the  rendezvous,  Will's 
Creek,  at  the  head  of  the  Potomac  River.  Messages 
were  sent  to  the  friendly  Indians  to  ask  their  aid. 

Recruiting  was  by  no  means  an  easy  matter.  Wash 
ington,  who  had  been  sent  to  Lord  Fairfax  for  one  half 
of  his  force,  was  met  by  a  great  disinclination  among  the 
militia  to  serve,  encouraged  in  this  by  some  of  their 
officers.  This  so  displeased  the  Governor  that  he 
ordered  new  commissions  to  be  prepared,  and  wished 
the  captious  officers  to  be  made  conscious  of  his  dis 
pleasure.  Objections  were  made  to  the  times  of 
payment,  and  this  was  not  unreasonable  when  it  is 
remembered  the  men  had  heretofore  been  paid  in  to 
bacco  and  not  in  money.  One  month  after  receiving 
his  instructions  Washington  had  obtained  only  twenty- 
five  men,  and  those  were  of  the  "  loose,  idle  persons,  that 
are  quite  destitute  of  house  and  home,  and,  I  may  truly 
say,  many  of  them  of  cloathes."  The  time  of  service 
was  uncertain,  and  to  encourage  them  to  settle  in  the 
new  parts  the  Governor  offered  two  hundred  thousand 
acres  of  land,  free  of  quit-rent  for  fifteen  years,  to  such 
as  should  enlist.  As  it  turned,  this  land  was  claimed  by 
Pennsylvania,  which  was  somewhat  backward  in  giving 
assistance  and  was  made  all  the  more  reluctant  by  this 
apparent  invasion  of  its  rights. 

The  selection  of  commander  was  not  at  once  accom 
plished.  Colonel  William  Fairfax  was  at  first  intended, 
and  the  reason  of  his  declining  is  not  known.  The 
choice  then  fell  upon  Colonel  Joshua  Fry,  a  man  of 
good  sense  and  an  able  mathematician.  There  was  a 
dearth  of  good  officers,  well  acquainted  with  the  arts  of 


Fort  Necessity  49 

war ;  but  the  Governor  did  the  best  he  could  with  what 
was  offered,  and  "  as  our  cause  is  just,  I  hope  for  the 
protection  of  Heaven."  A  commission  as  lieutenant- 
colonel  was  given  to  Washington,  partly  on  his  own 
request  and  partly  from  the  efforts  of  his  friend,  Richard 
Corbin.  The  general  instructions  were  to  erect  a  fort 
on  the  fork  of  the  Monongahela,  where  it  would  com 
mand  that  river  and  the  Ohio,  and  to  resist  by  force,  if 
necessary,  the  intrusion  of  the  French. 

Alarming  intelligence  was  received  from  Trent,  who 
was  on  the  Monongahela  with  seventy  men  erecting  a 
fort.  Washington  was  ordered  forward,  and  impressing 
wagons  along  the  route,  even  to  straining  the  law,  he 
pushed  on  with  the  seventy-five  "  self-willed  and  un 
governable  people  "  who  had  been  enrolled  in  his  com 
pany.  Before  reaching  Will's  Creek  he  learned  that  the 
fort,  carelessly  guarded,  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
French.  Some  friendly  Indians  joined  him,  bringing 
assurances  of  the  good  faith  of  the  Half-King.  Calling 
a  council  of  war,  it  was  decided  to  push  forward  to 
within  forty  miles  of  the  fallen  fort,  there  to  raise  a  for 
tification  sufficiently  strong  to  keep  the  road  open.  The 
arrival  of  a  complete  independent  company  from  South 
Carolina,  and  the  expectation  of  another  company  from 
North  Carolina  and  two  companies  from  New  York, 
promised  a  combined  force  strong  enough  to  hold  the 
position  to  be  taken  on  Red  Stone  Creek  until  the  French 
had  brought  up  their  cannon.  Every  delay  told  in  favor 
of  Virginia  because  of  the  influence  on  the  Indians. 

On  May  Qth,  after  two  weeks  of  laborious  road 
building,  Washington  had  only  reached  the  "  Meadows," 
twenty  miles  from  his  objective  point,  and  where  a  bridge 


50  George  Washington 

must  be  constructed  before  further  advance  could  be 
made.  Intelligence  reached  him  through  traders  of  the 
rapid  increase  in  strength  of  the  French,  and  their 
activity  in  raising  defensive  posts  on  the  river.  Presents 
were  being  sent  to  the  Indians,  and  no  effort  spared  to 
win  their  alliance  or  secure  their  remaining  passive  in 
the  coming  struggle  for  possession  of  the  Ohio.  The 
full  equipment  and  rapid  movements  of  the  French 
offered  a  strong  contrast  to  the  inefficient  and  overbur 
dened  little  army  under  Washington  ;  but  everything  pos 
sible  with  the  means  at  hand  was  done  by  him  and  not 
without  good  results.  Baffled  in  making  a  direct  road  to 
Red  Stone,  he  took  a  canoe  to  explore  the  river,  and 
test  the  possibility  of  reaching  his  destination  by  water. 
In  this  he  was  disappointed  ;  but  on  his  return  he  was 
met  by  a  note  from  the  Half-King  giving  warning  of  a 
French  force  sent  out  against  him.  Prudence  induced 
him  to  return  to  the  Meadows  where  "with  nature's 
assistance,"  he  made  a  good  entrenchment,  and,  by 
clearing  the  bushes,  prepared  a  "  charming  field  for  an 
encounter." 

Having  obtained  a  defensible  position,  Washington 
sent  out  a  party  to  discover  the  whereabouts  of  the 
French,  and  leaving  a  guard  in  the  camp,  himself  led  a 
small  force  at  night  to  hold  a  council  with  the  Half-King, 
then  known  to  be  approaching  the  Meadows.  The  re 
sult  of  the  meeting  was  a  determination  to  attack  the 
French  first.  After  an  affair  of  a  quarter  of  an  hour, 
"  We  killed  Mr.  de  Jumonville,  the  commander  of  the 
party,  with  nine  others ;  we  wounded  one,  and  made 
twenty-one  prisoners."  Thus  ended  Washington's  first 
experience  under  fire.  "  I  fortunately  escaped  without 


Fort  Necessity  51 

any  wound,"  he  wrote  to  his  brother,  4<  for  the  right 
wing,  where  I  stood,  was  exposed  to  and  received  all 
the  enemy's  fire,  and  it  was  the  part  where  the  man 
was  killed,  and  the  rest  wounded.  I  heard  the  bullets 
whistle,  and  believe  me,  there  is  something  charming  in 
the  sound."  This  boast  called  out  from  the  King  "  He 
would  not  say  so,  if  he  had  been  used  to  hear  many." 

Immediate  reprisals  were  to  be  expected,  and  the 
French  force  at  a  short  distance  from  the  Meadows  was 
known  to  be  greatly  in  excess  of  that  under  Washing 
ton.  A  fort  with  small  palisadoes  was  laid  out  and  some 
Indians  came,  with  their  wives  and  children,  a  useless 
burden  when  it  was  difficult  to  procure  provisions  for 
the  fighting  men.  Before  a  week  had  passed,  the  last 
body  of  the  Virginia  regiment,  under  the  command  of 
Major  Muse,  arrived.  The  death  of  Fry  at  Will's  Creek, 
on  May  3ist,  gave  Washington  the  command,  but  in 
sending  his  commission,  the  Governor  informed  him 
that  Innes  had  been  appointed  commander  in  chief 
of  all  the  forces.  In  this  appointment  Washington 
acquiesced. 

The  pay  of  the  officers  in  the  Virginia  regiment  was 
below  that  of  the  corresponding  grades  in  the  indepen 
dent  companies,  below  that  fixed  for  the  regular  army 
of  the  King.  Not  only  was  it  lower  in  amount,  but 
deductions  were  made  bringing  it  to  so  low  a  point  as 
to  give  the  officers  no  compensation  for  hard  service  and 
great  personal  sacrifices.  The  difference  between  the 
royal  and  colonial  establishment  was  too  great  to  escape 
attention,  and  gave  rise  to  much  dissatisfaction  among 
the  officers  under  Washington.  They  threatened  to 
resign  in  a  body.  As  for  himself,  he  would  hold  his 


52  George  Washington     .- 

commission,  but  serve  voluntarily.  "  To  be  slaving  dan 
gerously  for  the  shadow  of  pay,  through  woods,  rocks, 
mountains, — I  would  rather  prefer  the  great  toil  of  a 
daily  laborer,  and  dig  for  a  maintenance,  provided  I 
were  reduced  to  the  necessity,  than  serve  upon  such 
ignoble  terms."  Such  language  gave  great  displeasure 
to  the  Governor,  who  had  many  troubles  of  his  own,  and 
called  out  a  rebuke  which,  however  harsh  in  sound,  was 
really  just  and  intended  in  a  friendly  chiding.  Repeat 
ing  his  complaints  about  insufficient  pay,  Washington 
admitted  the  generous  favors  of  the  Governor.  "  Noth 
ing  is  a  greater  stranger  to  my  breast,  or  a  sin  that  my 
soul  more  abhors,  than  that  black  and  detestable  one, 
ingratitude." 

Seeds  of  difference  were  sown  by  the  orders  of  the 
English  ministry.  Two  independent  companies  were 
directed  to  be  sent  from  New  York,  and  one  from  South 
Carolina,  and  they  were  a  more  regular  body  than  any 
militia,  being  in  his  Majesty's  service.  The  officers  of 
those  companies  were  experienced  in  the  military  art, 
had  served  in  several  campaigns,  and  in  consequence  were 
jealous  of  their  honor.  Dinwiddie  was  so  well  aware  of 
the  disinclination  of  the  militia  to  serve  with  the  regu 
lars  that  he  kept  the  orders  secret  until  the  militia  had 
marched.  To  James  Innes,  an  old  man  in  command  of 
the  North  Carolina  Company,  he  wrote,  "  I  think  your 
command  from  me  must  be  by  a  commission  superior 
to  any  I  have  yet  granted,"  a  thought  that  would  give 
him  rank  even  over  Fry.  Yet  when  James  Mackay 
came  in  command  of  his  Independent  Company,  from 
South  Carolina,  Colonel  Fry  was  warned  by  the  Gov 
ernor  against  possible  differences  in  rank.  "  You  are 


Fort  Necessity  53 

by  me  appointed  commander  in  chief  on  the  expedition, 
but  as  it  is  not  usual  to  have  the  regular  Forces  under 
his  Majesty's  immediate  commission  to  be  under  the 
command  of  an  officer  in  America  appointed  by  any  of 
the  governors ;  yet,  that  there  may  be  no  misunder 
standing  or  delay  in  the  expedition,  I  recommend  you 
to  shew  a  due  regard  to  those  troops  of  his  Majesty, 
and  shew  this  officer  and  the  others  in  that  station  as 
much  indulgence  as  is  in  your  power."  The  same  note 
was  given  to  Washington,  and  thus  three  commanders 
— Fry,  Innes,  and  Mackay — were  to  hold  undetermined 
rank,  equal  in  name  but  open  to  every  opportunity  for 
difference  that  jealousy  could  afford. 

The  presence  of  Mackay  hastened  the  necessity  of 
coming  to  some  decision  on  the  question  of  command. 
Holding  commissions  from  the  King,  the  Carolinians 
looked  upon  themselves  as  a  distinct  body,  and  would 
not  incorporate  or  do  duty  with  the  Virginians,  keeping 
a  separate  camp  and  placing  separate  guards.  Mackay 
would  not  even  receive  the  parole  and  countersign  from 
Washington.  Two  commanders  in  such  a  situation 
were  so  incompatible  that  they  could  not  be  useful  to 
one  another  or  to  the  public,  and  the  Virginian  confi 
dently  asserted  that  the  absence  of  Mackay  would  tend 
to  the  public  advantage.  The  troop  of  Virginia  had 
performed  the  hard  work  of  the  march,  and  were  un 
willing  to  accept  their  commands  from  Mackay,  whose 
men,  better  paid  and  fed,  were  unwilling  to  work  on  the 
road  save  for  extra  pay.  The  two  forces  separated, 
that  of  Washington  moving  forward  to  complete  the 
road  and  to  confer  with  the  Indians,  friendly  and 
hostile. 


54  George  Washington 

On  June  28th,  Mackay  again  joined  Washington. 
Learning  that  the  French  had  been  reinforced,  they 
determined  to  retreat  to  their  works  at  the  Great  Mead 
ows,  now  known  as  Fort  Necessity.  A  few  days  later 
the  French,  intent  upon  avenging  the  death  of  Jumon- 
ville,  reached  the  ground  so  recently  occupied  by  Wash 
ington,  and  after  the  delay  of  only  one  day,  attacked  the 
English.  The  two  forces  were  very  unequal  in  num 
bers,  the  French  having  about  fifteen  hundred  men,  and 
Washington  less  than  three  hundred.  With  the  French 
were  many  Indians;  while  those  who  had  joined  the 
English  advised  a  retreat,  and  many  of  them  acted 
upon  the  suggestion.  About  nine  o'clock  on  the  morn 
ing  of  July  3d,  the  French  and  their  Indians  advanced 
towards  the  camp  with  shouts  and  dismal  yells,  and 
firing  at  so  great  a  distance  that  little  harm  was  done. 
The  English,  drawn  up  before  their  entrenchments,  re 
served  their  fire,  and  made  no  reply  to  a  second  dis 
charge  by  the  French  within  sixty  yards  of  the  lines. 
Retiring  within  the  entrenchments  the  colonists  opened 
fire  on  the  enemy,  and  the  engagement  continued  all 
day.  In  the  afternoon  a  most  severe  downpour  of  rain 
filled  the  trenches  with  water,  wet  all  the  ammunition 
and  stores,  and  left  nothing  for  defense  but  a  few  bayo 
nets,  with  which  only  a  part  of  the  guns  were  provided. 
The  French,  sheltered  behind  trees,  poured  a  galling 
fire  into  the  works,  and  it  was  only  a  question  of  a  short 
time  before  the  end  must  come. 

The  French  offered  a  parley,  but  the  English  dis 
trusted  the  request,  fearing  some  stratagem  for  drawing 
them  into  the  open.  They  then  wished  an  officer  to  be 
sent  out,  giving  their  parole  for  his  safe  return.  Two 


Fort  Necessity  55 

officers  were  thus  sent,  and  received  the  proposals  for  a 
capitulation.  The  terms,  as  originally  framed,  were  not 
accepted,  and  underwent  some  modification  ;  but  in  the 
end  were  agreed  to,  as  one  third  of  the  company,  offi 
cers  as  well  as  men,  were  by  that  time  killed  or  wounded. 
A  misunderstanding  grew  out  of  the  articles  of  capitula 
tion,  destined  to  play  quite  a  prominent  part  in  the 
future  discussion  of  this  affair. 

Only  two  men  were  with  Washington  who  were  ac 
quainted  with  the  French  tongue.  The  Chevalier  de 
Peyroney  was  badly  wounded,  and  Van  Braam,  a  fenc 
ing  teacher  and  old  soldier,  was  sent  to  complete  the 
negotiation.  It  is  certain  that  Van  Braam  blundered 
seriously  in  his  interpretation  of  the  articles,  but  proba 
bly  through  ignorance.  The  English  force  were  to  be 
permitted  to  retire  without  insult  or  injury,  with  all  the 
honors  of  war,  and  with  drum  and  cannon  to  evidence 
an  act  of  friends.  The  prisoners  taken  at  the  killing  of 
Jumonville  were  to  be  delivered  up  to  the  French,  and 
as  sureties  for  the  due  performance  of  the  agreement 
Van  Braam  and  Robert  Stobo  were  to  be  held  as  host 
ages.  So  far  the  meaning  was  clear.  But  in  the  first 
paragraph  the  expedition  was  described  as  one  intended 
to  avenge  the  assassination  of  the  French  officer,  and  in 
a  later  article  the  French  prisoners  were  said  to  have 
been  taken  at  the  assassination  of  Sieur  de  Jumonville. 

That  Washington  would  deliberately  acknowledge  to 
have  made  an  admission  that  Jumonville  was  assassi 
nated  was  hardly  possible.  He  claimed  to  have  wilfully 
or  ignorantly  been  deceived  by  the  interpreter  in  regard 
to  the  word  assassination.  Both  Mackay  and  Stephen  in 
sisted  that  the  word  had  not  been  used  by  the  interpreter  ; 


56  George  Washington 

but  the  account  by  Stephen  of  the  conditions  un 
der  which  the  articles  were  signed — "  it  rained  so 
hard,  that  he  could  not  give  us  a  written  translation  of 
them  ;  we  could  scarcely  keep  the  candle  lighted  to  read 
them  by  " — offers  a  reasonable  explanation  for  any  error. 
Even  Washington  was  severe  upon  Van  Braam,  a  Dutch 
man,  little  acquainted  with  the  English  tongue,  who 
spoke  of  the  death  or  loss  of  Jumonville,  and  did  not 
use  a  literal  translation  of  the  objectionable  word  in  the 
French  articles.  So  poor  Van  Braam  bore  the  blame, 
and  Dinwiddie  did  not  hesitate  to  characterize  him  as  a 
poltroon,  who  had  joined  the  French.  Villiers  boasted 
that  he  had  made  the  English  confess  to  an  assassina 
tion,  and  the  word  was  undoubtedly  twice  used  in  the 
articles  of  capitulation. 

On  the  following  day  the  English  marched  away 
under  due  forms,  but  had  not  gone  far  on  the  road,  before 
they  were  annoyed  and  plundered  by  the  Indians,  who 
committed  all  kinds  of  irregularities.  This  was  contrary 
to  the  capitulation,  but  they  were  fortunate  in  escaping 
with  their  lives.  Leaving  the  sick  and  wounded  about 
three  miles  from  the  Meadows,  Washington  pushed  on  to 
Winchester,  where  the  two  companies  from  North  Caro 
lina  were  encountered.  These  were  directed  to  go  to 
Will's  Creek  and  there  establish  a  post,  known  as  Fort 
Cumberland,  sufficiently  strong  to  guard  the  frontiers. 
Washington  himself  went  to  Williamsburg  to  render  an 
account  of  the  affair.  He  could  not  entirely  escape 
censure.  The  capitulation  when  it  became  known  re 
quired  explanation,  and  while  the  account  was  satisfac 
tory  on  the  whole,  he  could  not  be  entirely  freed  from 
the  blame  attaching  to  the  act.  Even  the  Indians 


Fort  Necessity  57 

criticised  his  conduct,  and  apparently  with  some  justice. 
The  naive  and  not  entirely  disinterested  statement  of 
the  Half-King  pointed  out  defects  of  management  clearly 
proving  an  undeveloped  character.  "The  Half-King 
complained  very  much  of  the  behaviour  of  Col.  Wash 
ington  to  him  (tho*  in  a  very  moderate  way,  saying  the 
Col.  was  a  good-natured  man  but  had  no  experience), 
saying  that  he  took  upon  him  to  command  the  Indians 
as  his  slaves,  and  would  have  them  every  day  upon  the 
out  scout  and  attack  the  enemy  by  themselves,  and  that 
he  would  by  no  means  take  advice  from  the  Indians  ; 
that  he  lay  at  one  place  from  one  full  moon  to  the  other 
and  made  no  fortifications  at  all,  but  that  little  thing 
upon  the  Meadow,  where  he  thought  the  French  would 
come  up  to  him  in  open  field  ;  that  had  he  taken  the 
Half-King's  advice  and  made  such  fortifications  as  the 
Half-King  advised  him  to  make,  he  would  certainly 
have  beat  the  French  off ;  that  the  French  had  acted 
as  great  cowards,  and  the  English  as  fools  in  that 
engagement." 


CHAPTER  IV 


BRADDOCK 

EFLECTING  after  the  catastrophe,  Din- 
widdie  laid  it  to  the  delay  of  Innes  and 
the  New  York  companies.  He  gave 
directions  for  the  erection  of  a  log  fort 
in  some  suitable  place,  to  be  garrisoned 
by  the  independent  companies,  until  a 
new  body  of  troops  could  be  raised. 
As  Virginia  would  maintain  only  her  own  regiment, 
the  defense  fell  upon  that  Colony.  While  each  depend 
ency  was  acting  for  its  own  interests  and  refused  to 
unite  heartily  with  one  another  in  a  common  cause,  aid 
was  needed  from  Great  Britain,  if  the  French  were  to 
be  dislodged.  It  was  next  to  useless  to  look  to  the 
Assemblies,  as  they  were  obstinately  opposed  to  making 
grants  of  money  without  some  restrictions,  unpalatable 
to  the  governors  and  authorities  in  England.  Dinwid- 
die  was  reaching  the  end  of  his  appropriation,  and  re 
luctantly  prepared  to  face  his  Burgesses  with  a  new 
demand.  Maryland  proposed  to  send  a  company  to 
Will's  Creek,  and  to  establish  a  much-needed  magazine 
for  stores  and  provisions.  Pennsylvania  and  New 
York  still  remained  inactive  or  inefficient,  and  little  was 

58 


Braddock  59 

expected  from  the  southern  colonies.  The  forces  of 
North  Carolina  were  mutinous,  and  disbanding,  marched 
home  of  their  own  accord.  The  Indians  friendly  to  the 
English  had  retired  into  Pennsylvania,  and  it  only  re 
mained  to  complete  the  Virginia  regiments  by  new 
inducements  or  measures  of  compulsion. 

For  the  privates  were  in  a  bad  humor.  They  had  seen 
apparent  favoritism  shown  to  the  men  of  other  colonies, 
and  had  borne  the  full  weight  of  the  toil  of  an  unsuccess 
ful  campaign.  They  had  neither  been  properly  fed  nor 
clothed,  and  were  now  refractory  and  mutinous,  some  of 
the  men  even  deserting  with  their  guns.  This  happened 
in  the  regiment  commanded  by  Washington,  against 
whom  no  complaint  of  ill  conduct  could  be  made.  The 
Major — George  Muse  by  name — had  not  endured  the 
test  of  actual  battle,  and  was  permitted  to  resign  ;  but  his 
cowardice  added  to  the  grievances  of  the  men,  who  natu 
rally  looked  for  their  officers  to  inspire  them  in  a  crisis. 
An  unpunished  mutiny  in  the  North  Carolina  compa 
nies  encouraged  others  to  adopt  the  same  method  for  ob 
taining  redress,  and  resulted  in  a  deplorable  laxity  of 
that  discipline  so  necessary  to  an  army  whatever  its  size. 

Such  troubles  did  not  turn  the  Governor  from  his 
course,  and  his  designs  even  grew  more  ambitious. 
With  a  thousand  men  at  his  disposal,  he  suggested  that 
the  commander  dispossess  the  French  from  their  fort ; 
or,  should  that  prove  impracticable,  a  council  must 
determine  the  location  for  an  English  fort,  to  be  gar 
risoned  until  spring.  He  suggested  an  offensive  opera 
tion,  involving  the  destruction  of  the  corn  near  the  fort 
and  at  Logstown.  Such  schemes  were  easily  concocted 
at  Williamsburg,  but  they  filled  Washington  with  no 


60  George  Washington 

little  alarm.  From  his  point  of  view,  and  he  was  en 
titled  to  speak  by  his  knowledge  of  the  country  and  the 
means  at  his  disposal,  to  dislodge  the  enemy  from  their 
stronghold  was  morally  impossible.  Provisions,  ammu 
nition,  working-tools,  and  camp  equipages,  even  the 
men  to  use  them,  must  first  be  obtained,  and  trans 
ported  over  the  mountains,  a  task  out  of  the  question 
during  the  winter,  and  it  was  now  August,  or  too  late 
to  look  for  any  real  advance  before  the  cold  weather. 
The  disaffection  in  the  Virginia  regiment  gave  little 
prospect  of  good  service.  "  Were  our  men  ever  so  will 
ing  to  go,  for  want  of  the  proper  necessaries  of  life  they 
are  unable  to  do  it.  The  chief  part  are  almost  naked, 
and  scarcely  a  man  has  either  shoes,  stockings,  or  hat. 
These  things  the  merchants  will  not  credit  them  for. 
The  country  has  made  no  provision  ;  they  have  not 
money  themselves ;  and  it  cannot  be  expected,  that  the 
officers  will  engage  for  them  again,  personally,  having 
suffered  greatly  already  on  this  head  ;  especially,  now, 
when  we  have  all  the  reason  in  the  world  to  believe, 
they  will  desert  whenever  they  have  an  opportunity. 
There  is  not  a  man  that  has  a  blanket  to  secure  him 
from  cold  or  wet."  Until  the  arrears  of  pay  had  been 
made  good,  the  officers  and  men  would  be  deaf  to  any 
suggestion  of  re-enlisting. 

The  Assembly  met  in  August  with  good  dispositions, 
and  in  less  than  a  week  of  sitting  voted  ,£20,000,  to  be 
raised  by  a  poll  tax.  Unfortunately  the  question  of 
paying  the  agent  of  the  Burgesses  in  England,  the  man 
who  was  opposing  the  Governor  in  his  attempt  to  col 
lect  the  fee  for  land  sales,  arose  and  was  decided  by 
proposing  to  pay  it  out  of  this  war  appropriation.  The 


Braddock  61 

Governor  returned  the  measure  as  irregular  and  pro 
rogued  the  body  to  October.  Dinwiddie,  naturally 
much  chagrined  by  such  a  dashing  of  his  hope,  wrote 
home  that  no  expedition  could  be  conducted  against 
the  French  with  dependence  on  the  American  Assem 
blies,  and  seriously  proposed  that  the  colonies  be 
obliged  by  act  of  Parliament  to  obey  the  commands  of 
his  Majesty  and  defend  their  property  from  the  insults 
of  the  French.  Checked  in  his  wishes  for  an  imme 
diate  move  upon  the  French,  the  Governor  ordered 
Washington  to  detach  a  part  of  his  small  force  to  pro 
tect  the  frontiers  of  Augusta  county,  and  to  march  with 
the  remainder  to  Will's  Creek,  there  to  await  orders. 

The  orders  came  from  England.  The  ministry,  re 
alizing  the  dangers  of  a  French  occupation  of  the  Ohio 
valley,  were  desirous  of  having  a  spirited  campaign.  The 
Governor  of  Maryland,  Horatio  Sharpe,  was  selected 
for  the  supreme  command,  and  in  consultation  with  his 
colleagues  of  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  formed  a 
plan  for  carrying  the  French  fort  before  it  could  be 
reinforced  in  the  spring,  of  building  a  fort  on  the  oppo 
site  side  of  the  river,  of  retaining  that  on  Will's  Creek, 
and  possibly  of  attempting  the  French  forts  near  Lake 
Erie.  The  plan  was  an  extensive  one,  too  extensive  to 
be  considered  with  the  means  to  be  had  in  the  colonies. 
The  ministry  granted  ,£20,000  sterling,  to  be  reim 
bursed  by  the  Colony,  and  sent  two  thousand  stand  of 
arms  from  the  royal  stores,  both  contributions  promising 
to  be  of  high  utility  in  furthering  the  expedition.  The 
Assembly  voted  ,£20,000  Virginia  money,  but  both 
sums  would  not  go  very  far  towards  meeting  the  de 
mands  of  Sharpe's  plan  of  campaign. 


62  George  Washington 

A  determination  of  the  Governor  affected  the  posi 
tion  of  Washington.  In  place  of  a  colonial  regiment, 
Dinwiddie  suggested  ten  companies,  each  one  of  whom 
was  to  be  commanded  by  a  captain,  under  a  royal  com 
mission.  The  reason  for  taking  this  step  was  the  wish 
to  silence  any  differences  as  to  rank  between  the  colo 
nial  and  the  independent  companies.  The  position  of 
colonel,  or  commander  of  the  Virginia  forces,  Dinwiddie 
wished  for  himself,  an  ambition  that  could  not  smooth 
over  the  difficulties  of  disputed  ranks  that  had  produced 
so  much  real  ill  feeling  among  the  Virginia  officers. 
Nor  was  the  Lieutenant-Governor  fitted  by  nature  or 
training  to  command,  and  his  intense  partiality  for 
Innes  had  contributed  much  towards  making  the  cam 
paign  of  1754  a  failure.  Washington  could  not  serve 
under  men  he  had  once  commanded,  an  act  degrading 
to  his  pride,  and  at  once  tendered  his  resignation, 
showing  a  sensitiveness  that  Dinwiddie  could  not  ap 
preciate.  His  expression  of  wonder  found  a  response 
in  the  controller  of  the  destinies  of  Pennsylvania.  "  I 
am  concerned,"  wrote  Thomas  Penn,  "  to  find  Colonel 
Washington's  conduct  so  imprudent.''  The  niceties 
of  personal  pride  and  honor  did  not  appeal  to  those 
natures. 

Colonel  Fitzhugh,  on  whom  the  details  of  the  ap 
proaching  military  movement  fell,  was  anxious  to  secure 
the  services  of  this  young,  but  tried  and  experienced, 
soldier.  He  offered  a  suggestion  by  which  Washing 
ton  was  to  hold  the  commission  of  a  colonel,  without  its 
rank,  or  emolument,  or  command,  a  suggestion  that  was 
immediately  repelled.  "  You  must  entertain  a  very 
contemptible  opinion  of  my  weakness,  and  believe  me 


Braddock  63 

to  be  more  empty  than  the  commission  itself."  A  sense 
of  injury  led  him  to  harbor  unworthy  suspicion.  The 
orders  on  the  command,  by  which  he  was  displaced, 
originated,  he  thought,  among  the  officers  at  Will's 
Creek,  jealous  of  his  influence  and  opportunity.  Such 
a  thought  was  excusable,  for  appearances  could  be 
made  to  favor  it ;  in  reality  it  had  no  basis  in  fact.  Nor 
could  it  wean  Washington  from  his  military  ambitions. 
"  My  inclinations  are  strongly  bent  to  arms." 

Retiring  to  Mount  Vernon  in  November,  he 
watched  the  course  of  events,  hearing  frequently  from 
his  old  command.  In  addition  to  the  money  and 
arms  given  by  the  ministry,  a  body  of  troops  were 
sent  to  Virginia  commanded  by  General  Braddock. 
The  mere  intelligence  that  such  a  force  of  trained 
soldiers  was  coming  gave  an  impetus  to  the  colonial 
measures,  for  it  promised  many  advantages.  The  de 
fense  of  the  frontiers  from  Indian  and  French  incursions 
could  be  entrusted  to  the  provincial  forces  of  militia, 
imperfectly  equipped  as  they  were  ;  but  to  act  offen 
sively  and  to  rid  the  country  of  these  marauders  and 
trespassers,  some  more  efficient  instrument  was  de 
manded.  This  the  regulars  under  Braddock  were  ex 
pected  to  supply,  and  the  colonists  no  longer  felt 
dependent  upon  their  own  efforts.  With  the  new  com 
mander  came  definite  instruction  as  to  rank — the  royal 
commission  was  to  take  precedence  of  the  provincial 
upon  every  occasion,  without  any  regard  to  the  date  of 
the  commission.  Had  Washington  been  induced  by 
Fitzhugh  to  retain  his  colonelcy,  the  new  orders  would 
have  proved  the  hollowness  of  the  honor,  and  degraded 
him  below  the  most  recent  of  the  King's  officers  of  the 


64  George  Washington 

same  rank.  The  unreality  of  his  position  would  have 
become  evident  in  contrast  with  the  stern  reality  created 
by  a  royal  signature. 

Braddock  possessed  faults  of  character,  and  faults 
that  rendered  him  unfitted  for  the  service  he  was  about 
to  undertake.  Ignorance  of  the  country  and  the  peo 
ple  was  not  the  greatest  defect,  for  that  could  be  over 
come  in  part  by  the  counsel  of  those  who  did  know  this 
important  matter.  To  this  ignorance,  no  greater  than 
that  of  his  superiors  in  England,  was  joined  a  contempt 
of  the  enemy  to  be  encountered.  A  small  body  of 
French,  assisted  by  a  few  uncivilized  and  unnecessary 
natives  who  had  never  been  able  to  stand  against  the 
discipline  and  equipments  of  the  regular  forces,  not 
even  against  the  crudely  constituted  armies  of  the  colo 
nies,  was  nothing  to  present  a  serious  obstacle  to  a 
commander  confident  of  easy  success.  Even  this  great 
trust  in  his  own  strength  and  abilities  could  be  modified 
by  the  judicious  advice  of  those  who  had  faced  the 
Indians  and  met  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the  French. 
The  most  difficult  attitude  to  overcome  was  an  insolent 
contempt  for  his  own  allies — the  regiments  and  com 
panies  raised  by  the  colonies,  and  the  bands  of  Indians 
who  had  thrown  their  fortunes  on  the  side  of  the  Eng 
lish.  No  persuasion,  no  warnings,  no  threats,  could 
soften  this  crying  fault,  one  that  was  shared  by  com 
mander  and  royal  officers  alike.  However  able  and 
even  brilliant  Braddock  might  be  in  other  directions, 
his  offensive  treatment  and  disregard  of  what  might 
have  been  the  most  useful  part  of  his  command  threat 
ened  disaster  from  the  beginning. 

Washington  at  every  opportunity  urged  the  necessity 


Braddock  65 

of  modifying  the  methods  of  advance  and  attack  to 
meet  those  employed  by  the  French  and  Indians.  The 
very  nature  of  the  country  called  for  this,  for  the 
mountains  and  covered  country  did  not  lend  themselves 
readily  to  the  tactics  of  the  regular  army.  Discipline 
and  the  rule  of  thumb  laid  down  in  the  military  manuals 
proved  stronger,  however,  and  ruled  the  policy  of  the 
General. 

Late  in  February  Braddock  landed  in  Virginia,  and 
soon  learned  the  esteem  in  which  Washington  was  held, 
and  the  reason  of  his  not  being  in  actual  service.  Noth 
ing  in  the  colonial  force  could  be  offered  to  him  without 
again  calling  into  unpleasant  prominence  the  question  of 
rank,  and  that  would  be  conclusive  against  his  accepting 
an  appointment.  To  obviate  this  difficulty,  Braddock 
asked  Washington  to  join  his  military  family  as  an  aid, 
a  position  at  once  honorable  and  flattering  to  the  sulk 
ing  warrior.  It  offered  him  an  escape  from  his  retire 
ment,  and  a  rank  somewhat  above  that  of  a  volunteer, 
which  he  had  expressed  an  inclination  to  hold.  Al 
though  an  extra  aid,  he  was  offered  a  captain's  commis 
sion  by  brevet,  and  was  given  the  opportunity  of  naming 
several  ensigncies  in  the  regular  regiments.  He  looked 
upon  it  as  a  favorable  opportunity  to  add  to  his  knowl 
edge  of  the  military  profession  while  serving  under  a 
"gentleman  of  General  Braddock's  abilities  and  ex 
perience,"  and  determined  to  accept.  Even  the  fears 
of  his  mother  and  the  demands  of  his  estate  could  not 
turn  him  from  his  purpose.  To  the  Speaker  of  the 
Burgesses  he  frankly  gave  the  reasons  for  his  choice. 
"  In  doing  it,  I  may  be  allowed  to  claim  some  merit,  if 
it  is  considered  that  the  sole  motive,  which  invites  me 


66  George  Washington 

to  the  field,  is  the  laudable  desire  of  serving  my  country, 
and  not  the  gratification  of  any  ambitious  or  lucrative 
plans." 

April  23d  he  set  out  from  Mount  Vernon  to  join 
the  General  at  Will's  Creek.  It  was  not  an  easy  jour 
ney  under  any  conditions,  and  it  was  made  difficult  by 
a  series  of  accidents.  "  If  an  old  proverb  will  apply  to 
my  case/'  he  wrote  to  Mrs.  Fairfax,  "  I  shall  close  with 
success,  for  no  man  could  have  made  a  worse  beginning 
than  I  have  done.  Out  of  4  horses  which  I  brought 
from  home,  one  I  have  killed  outright  and  the  other 
three  are  rendered  unfit  for  use ;  so  that  I  have  been 
detained  here  [Bullskin]  for  three  days  already,  and 
how  much  longer  I  may  continue  to  be  so,  time  can 
only  discover."  Overtaking  the  General  at  Frederick 
Town,  they  pushed  on  together,  halting  at  Winchester 
to  await  the  arrival  of  the  second  division  of  the  force. 
It  would  then  be  another  stage  to  Will's  Creek,  after 
which  the  difficulties  of  crossing  the  mountains  must  be 
faced. 

Enough  had  been  encountered  by  the  General  to 
ruffle  his  temper  and  act  upon  that  quality  of  his  char 
acter  which  had  least  utility  in  the  venture.  Starting 
with  a  prejudice  against  the  provincials,  the  march  gave 
him  cause  to  suspect  their  protestations  of  devoted  serv 
ice.  The  selection  of  the  route  of  march  had  been  left 
to  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  the  Quartermaster-General  of  the 
army.  To  gain  despatch  he  divided  the  force,  sending 
the  powder  and  ordnance  by  way  of  Winchester,  and 
the  military  and  hospital  stores  by  way  of  Frederick,  in 
Maryland.  Braddock  with  his  second,  Colonel  Dun- 
bar,  went  by  the  Maryland  route,  and  was  surprised  on 


Braddock  *f 

reaching  Frederick  to  find  no  road  leading  to  his  des 
tination.  St.  Clair  had  looked  to  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania  to  build  the  road,  and  sharply  asked  why 
it  had  not  been  done.  Overstepping  the  bounds  of  dis 
cipline  he  received  a  "  set-down  "  from  Morris,  and  was 
more  cautious  in  hectoring  thereafter,  however  much  he 
felt  that  less  than  what  was  fit  had  been  done.  Even 
Braddock  saw  the  absurdity  of  the  route,  and  damned 
it  very  heartily.  He  was  obliged  to  cross  the  river  and 
take  the  Winchester  road,  reaching  Fort  Cumberland 
on  May  loth.  Nothing  further  could  be  done  until 
horses,  wagons,  and  forage  could  be  made  ready. 

The  appointment  of  Washington  as  aid-de-camp 
had  been  published  in  general  orders,  and  promised  an 
agreeable  position.  He  was  freed  from  all  commands 
save  those  of  the  General,  yet  gave  his  orders  to  all. 
The  personal  relations  existing  between  him  and  his 
associates  were  also  pleasant  to  all,  and  more  easy  than 
he  had  been  led  to  expect.  "  I  have  met  with  much 
complaisance  in  this  family,  especially  from  the  Gen 
eral,  whom  I  hope  to  please  without  ceremonious  atten 
tions  or  difficulty ;  for,  I  may  add,  it  can  not  be  done 
with  them,  as  he  uses  and  requires  less  ceremony  than 
you  can  easily  conceive."  He  was  able  to  prove  his 
usefulness  to  his  commander,  for  he  was  sent  to  Wil- 
liamsburg  to  bring  a  large  sum  of  money  required  by 
the  service,  a  mission  successfully  accomplished. 

Not  so  successful  was  the  advance  of  the  army.  It 
is  true  a  communication  between  Fort  Cumberland  and 
the  old  road  was  discovered,  which  obviated  the  neces 
sity  of  crossing  the  high  mountain  that  had  proved  so  de 
structive  to  the  horses.  This  brought  into  prominence 


68  George  Washington 

the  large  number  of  wagons  in  the  train,  and  the 
delay  they  occasioned.  Holding  a  council  of  war,  it 
was  determined  to  discard,  as  far  as  possible,  the  wag 
ons,  and  increase  the  number  of  pack-horses ;  while  the 
officers  were  requested  to  send  away  their  baggage,  and 
apply  the  horses  to  carry  provisions  for  the  army.  This 
they  did  with  great  cheerfulness  and  zeal.  In  compari 
son  to  what  was  needed,  these  expedients  were  of  small 
moment.  Deposits  of  supplies  had  been  promised  by 
the  governors,  but  were  found  not  to  have  been  pre 
pared,  or  were  placed  where  they  could  be  of  no  service 
and  no  means  provided  for  bringing  them  to  the  army. 
Food  sent  into  the  camp  was  often  condemned ;  no  salt 
could  be  had  in  large  quantities,  and  the  horses  were 
stolen  nearly  as  fast  as  they  were  obtained.  Ill  feeling  was 
caused  among  the  inhabitants  by  the  extreme  measures 
adopted  by  the  General  to  make  good  those  defects. 
He  impressed  horses  and  teams,  even  servants  and  car 
riages  with  their  horses.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  timely 
aid  of  Franklin,  who  had  the  gift  of  organizing  and  call 
ing  out  the  means  at  hand,  the  army  might  have  re 
mained  indefinitely  where  it  was,  until  driven  back  by 
want  of  food. 

The  patience  of  the  General  was  exhausted.  "  For 
want  of  that  temper  and  moderation,  which  should  be 
used  by  a  man  of  sense  upon  these  occasions,  he  will,  I 
fear,  represent  us  in  a  light  we  little  deserve  ;  for,  instead 
of  blaming  the  individuals,  as  he  ought,  he  charges  all 
his  disappointments  to  publick  supineness,  and  looks 
upon  the  country,  I  believe,  as  void  of  honor  and  hon 
esty.  We  have  frequent  disputes  on  this  head,"  con 
tinued  Washington,  "  which  are  maintained  with  warmth 


Brad  dock  69 

on  both  sides,  especially  on  his,  who  is  incapable  of 
arguing  without,  or  giving  up  any  point  he  asserts,  let 
it  be  ever  so  incompatible  with  reason  or  common 
sense." 

In  private  conference  with  Washington,  whose  cool 
sense  and  knowledge  of  the  conditions  around  him  were 
in  strong  contrast  to  his  own  hasty  temper  and  igno 
rance,  Braddock  asked  for  a  frank  opinion.  The  reply 
was  to  push  on,  if  only  with  a  small  chosen  band,  with 
as  little  baggage  as  possible,  leaving  the  heavy  train  of 
stores  and  artillery  to  follow.  The  French  were  known 
to  be  weak,  but  expecting  reinforcements  ;  and  at  pres 
ent  these  could  not  come  by  water.  Everything  prom 
ised  a  fortunate  blow,  if  struck  speedily.  The  advice 
was  followed  but  only  for  a  time  ;  for  "  I  found  that 
instead  of  pushing  on  with  vigor,  without  regarding  a 
little  rough  road,  they  were  halting  to  level  every  mole 
hill,  and  to  erect  bridges  over  every  brook,  by  which 
means  we  were  four  days  getting  twelve  miles." 

Washington  had  overtaxed  his  own  strength,  and  he 
came  down  with  the  fever  in  so  bad  a  form  that  he  could 
neither  ride  a  horse,  nor  endure  the  jolting  of  a  covered 
wagon.  He  was  left  with  a  guard  to  await  the  coming 
of  Dunbar,  now  two  days'  march  in  the  rear.  Even 
this  was  not  extorted  from  him  until  Braddock  gave  his 
word  of  honor  that  he  should  be  brought  up  before  he 
reached  the  French  fort,  a  promise  of  greater  efficacy 
than  any  pleadings  or  threats  of  the  doctor.  For  more 
than  three  weeks  he  was  separated  from  the  General, 
fretting  under  the  restraints  of  sickness  and  the  petty 
annoyances  of  a  camp  illy  provided  to  meet  the  condi 
tions  even  for  making  any  advance.  On  July  8th  he 


70  George  Washington 

was  sufficiently  recovered  to  join  the  advanced  corps, 
making  the  journey  in  a  covered  wagon  ;  and  on  the 
next  day  he  attended  Braddock  on  horseback,  albeit 
using  cushions  to  break  the  jar  of  movement.  He  had 
his  wish,  for  he  was  present  in  the  hour  of  danger. 

The  opinion  is  general  that  Braddock  was  surprised. 
His  army  of  nearly  thirteen  hundred  men,  chiefly  reg 
ulars,  was  crossing  the  Monongahela  for  the  second 
time,  to  avoid  an  ugly  defile.  Suddenly  the  whooping 
and  hallooing  of  the  enemy  broke  upon  their  astonished 
ears,  and  the  unaccustomed  sound  struck  terror  in  their 
hearts.  The  van  halted,  and  the  rear  pushed  forward 
upon  them,  but  no  enemy  was  visible.  A  galling  fire 
poured  into  their  solid  ranks,  which  wavered,  and  soon 
broke  into  a  panic  that  no  officers  could  control.  The 
few  Virginians  in  the  front,  true  to  their  instincts,  scat 
tered  and  advanced  to  the  attack ;  but  found  their 
action  was  discountenanced  as  evidencing  cowardice. 
Washington  offered  to  head  the  provincials  and  engage 
the  enemy  in  their  own  way,  but  received  no  encourage 
ment.  The  officers  fought  nobly,  and  even  Braddock 
sought  by  example  to  show  what  bravery  could  accom 
plish,  receiving  the  fatal  wound  that  forced  him  from 
the  field.  His  two  aids,  Orme  and  Morris,  were 
severely  wounded,  and  Washington  was  left  the  only 
leader  to  direct  the  destinies  of  the  unequal  contest. 
In  the  confusion  no  one  knew  who  was  the  commander, 
and  each  man  fought  for  himself. 

Washington  succeeded  in  placing  the  wounded  Gen 
eral  in  a  small  covered  cart,  and  took  him  over  the 
Monongahela,  where  some  attempt  to  re-form  the  now 
disorganized  forces  was  made.  It  was  seen  that  all  the 


Braddock  71 

leading  officers  were  missing,  having  suffered  for  their 
incomparable  bravery  ;  and  Washington  could  tell  of 
one  horse  killed  and  two  wounded  under  him,  a  ball 
through  his  hat  and  several  through  his  clothes.  Yet 
he  was  unhurt.  Having  done  all  that  was  possible 
under  the  circumstances,  he  went  after  sundown  to  meet 
the  second  division  under  Colonel  Dunbar,  to  make 
arrangements  for  covering  the  retreat  and  providing 
supplies  for  the  sick  and  wounded.  Riding  the  whole 
night  and  part  of  the  next  day,  he  covered  forty  miles, 
and  accomplished  his  purpose.  Sick  and  weary  as  he 
was,  he  could  not  return,  and  awaited  the  arrival  of 
the  cavalcade  that  told  so  eloquently  of  a  crushing 
defeat.  "  The  shocking  scenes  which  presented  them 
selves  in  this  night's  march  are  not  to  be  described — the 
dead — the  dying — the  groans — lamentations  and  crys 
along  the  road  of  the  wounded  for  help  (for  those  under 
the  latter  descriptions  endeavored  from  the  first  com 
mencement  of  the  action  or  rather  confusion  to  escape 
to  ye  second  division)  were  enough  to  pierce  the  heart 
of  adamant."  The  night  was  so  dark  that  the  guides 
were  obliged  to  grope  on  the  ground  with  their  hands 
to  find  the  way.  Fortunately  the  Indians  were  too 
intent  upon  plundering  what  had  been  left  on  the  battle 
field  to  pursue,  or  a  general  massacre  might  have  been 
the  result.  As  it  was,  more  than  two  thirds  of  the 
English  forces  was  killed  or  missing,  and  the  loss  of 
officers  was  particularly  large. 

The  regulars  blamed  the  provincials  for  the  defeat, 
saying  that  they  were  harassed  by  duties  unequal  to  their 
numbers,  and  dispirited  through  want  of  provisions. 
They  claimed  to  have  been  disheartened  by  the  repeated 


72  George  Washington 

suggestions  of  a  defeat  because  of  the  impossibility  of 
meeting  an  attack  of  Indians  by  tactics  employed  in 
European  armies.  Washington  denounced  the  dastardly 
conduct  of  the  regulars,  and  believed  that  two  thirds  of  the 
loss  was  due  to  shots  from  "  our  own  cowardly  regulars, 
who  gathered  themselves  into  a  body,  contrary  to  orders, 
ten  or  twelve  deep,  would  then  level,  fire,  and  shoot  down 
the  men  before  them."  The  officers  he  praised,  for  the 
heavy  losses  among  them  proved  their  devoted  sacrifice. 
The  Virginia  companies  behaved  like  men  and  died  like 
soldiers — scarce  thirty  remaining  alive  out  of  the  three 
companies. 

Gathering  the  remnantsiof  the  army  a  retreat  towards 
Fort  Cumberland  was  begun.  Near  the  Great  Meadows 
Braddock  breathed  his  last  and  was  interred  with  the 
honors  of  war.  The  body  was  buried  in  the  road,  and 
the  passage  of  army  wagons  and  marching  men  over  it 
obliterated  every  mark — a  necessary  precaution  to  pre 
vent  the  Indians  from  insulting  it.  Washington  in  later 
years  summarized  Braddock's  character.  "  Thus  died 
a  man  whose  good  and  bad  qualities  were  intimately 
blended.  He  was  brave  even  to  a  fault,  and  in  regular 
service  would  have  done  honor  to  his  profession.  His 
attachments  were  warm — his  enmities  were  strong — and 
having  no  disguise  about  him,  both  appeared  in  full 
force.  He  was  generous  and  disinterested — but  plain 
and  blunt  in  his  manner  even  to  rudeness."  The  opin 
ion  was  just  and  not  unfriendly. 

Dunbar,  on  whom  the  command  had  fallen,  deter 
mined  to  go  to  Philadelphia  with  such  of  the  regulars  as 
remained.  In  vain  did  the  Governor  of  Virginia  plead 
the  exposed  condition  of  the  Virginia  back  country. 


Braddock 


73 


Fearful  of  an  unpursuing  foe,  he  destroyed  ammunition 
and  provisions,  and  on  the  plea  of  winter  quarters  sought 
the  safe  shelter  of  Philadelphia.  The  one  man  who 
came  out  of  this  crushing  defeat  with  honor,  was  Wash 
ington,  and  the  heavy  losses  of  the  Virginia  companies 
proved  how  well  they  had  supported  him. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE    FRONTIERS 

REATLY  weakened  by  his  illness, 
and  excited  by  the  unfortunate  issue 
of  the  campaign,  Washington  made 
his  way  slowly  from  Fort  Cumber 
land  to  Mount  Vernon.  Whatever 
despondency  he  had  endured  after 
the  capitulation  at  Fort  Necessity 
was  deepened  by  his  chagrin  and  disappointment  at  the 
total  miscarriage  of  Braddock's  expedition.  Then  it 
was  a  small  body  of  provincial  troops,  on  ill  terms  with 
one  another,  poorly  equipped,  and  unprepared  for  a 
regular  movement  either  of  offense  or  defense.  Now  it 
was  a  finely  disciplined  and  fully  equipped  body  of 
regulars,  led  by  a  man  whose  pride  was  his  greatest 
fault,  and  surprised  by  tactics  as  appalling  in  results  as 
they  were  novel.  The  defeat  was  crushing.  There 
was  no  pretense  of  making  a  stand  ;  Dunbar  was  hasten 
ing  to  Philadelphia  with  what  was  left  of  the  British 
force,  and  a  small  garrison  held  watch  on  Will's  Creek, 
incapable  of  annoying  the  enemy,  and  helpless  should 
he  attack.  Surely  the  exposed  condition  of  the  fron 
tiers  was  to  be  anxiously  considered,  and  every  effort 
made  to  make  them  defensible. 


74 


The  Frontiers  75 

This  was  Washington's  task.  As  adjutant  of  the 
northern  division  his  duty  was  to  call  out  the  militia, 
and  he  at  once  issued  a  summons.  In  each  county  of 
his  division  the  men  were  to  assemble  on  a  certain  day, 
properly  equipped,  and  he  intended  to  review  them. 
Under  the  stress  of  threatened  invasion  the  men  came 
forward  willingly  and  with  ardor.  They  were  reviewed, 
and  after  the  custom  of  the  day,  listened  to  a  sermon  or 
address  on  the  duties  of  man,  in  which  the  speaker  did 
not  fail  to  draw  a  fruitful  lesson  from  the  recent  events. 
In  Hanover  County,  where  the  response  to  the  call  of 
danger  was  quick  and  full,  the  Reverend  Samuel  Davies 
preached  to  the  company,  taking  for  his  subject,  "  Re 
ligion  and  Patriotism  the  Constituents  of  a  Good 
Soldier."  His  object  was  to  encourage  the  men  now 
taking  to  arms  in  defense  of  their  homes  ;  but  he  was 
touched  with  the  gift  of  prophecy.  "  I  may  point  out 
to  the  public  that  heroic  youth,  Colonel  Washington, 
whom  I  cannot  but  hope  Providence  has  hitherto  pre 
served  in  so  signal  a  manner  for  some  important  service 
to  his  country."  A  chance  sentence,  that  has  made  the 
name  of  Davies  known  as  it  never  could  have  been 
known  by  other  utterance  of  his. 

The  performance  of  his  public  duty  began  to  awaken 
the  ambitious  desires  of  Washington.  His  half-brother, 
a  member  of  the  Assembly,  sounded  him  as  to  his  wishes, 
and  called  out  the  reply,  "  I  am  so  little  dispirited  at 
what  has  happened,  that  I  am  always  ready  and  always 
willing,  to  render  my  country  any  services  that  I  am  ca 
pable  of,  but  never  upon  the  terms  I  have  done  ;  having 
suffered  much  in  my  private  fortune,  besides  impairing 
one  of  the  best  constitutions."  It  was  only  just  to  secure 


76  George  Washington 

himself  against  further  loss  and  suffering  should  he  again 
serve,  though  gain  did  not  enter  into  his  expectations. 
One  voice  he  must  listen  to — that  of  his  mother.  "  If  it 
is  in  my  power,"  he  wrote  to  her  in  answer  to  a  plea  not 
to  serve,  "  to  avoid  going  to  the  Ohio  again,  I  shall ;  but 
if  the  command  is  pressed  upon  me,  by  the  general  voice 
of  the  country,  and  offered  upon  such  terms  as  cannot  be 
objected  against,  it  would  reflect  dishonor  upon  me  to 
refuse ;  and  that,  I  am  sure,  must  or  ought  to  give  you 
greater  uneasiness,  than  my  going  in  an  honorable  com 
mand,  for  upon  no  other  terms  I  will  accept  of  it." 

The  Assembly  voted  twelve  hundred  men,  and  was 
favorable  to  increasing  the  forces  of  the  colony  to  four 
thousand.  Washington  did  not  go  to  the  capital, 
where  his  presence  might  be  interpreted  as  a  push  for 
the  command.  The  Governor,  when  his  name  was 
mentioned,  seemed  favorable  to  him,  although  another 
applicant  was  urging  his  own  claims  to  the  ap 
pointment.  A  few  days  determined  the  question,  and 
on  August  14,  1755,  the  commission  of  George  Wash 
ington  as  commander  in  chief  of  the  Virginia  forces  was 
signed.  In  explaining  the  appointment  to  his  superiors 
Dinwiddie  said  he  believed  Washington  to  be  a  man 
of  great  merit  and  resolution.  "  Our  officers  are  greatly 
dispirited  for  want  of  his  Majesty's  commissions,  that 
when  they  join  the  regulars  they  may  have  some  rank ; 
and  I  am  persuaded  it  would  be  of  infinite  service  if 
his  Majesty  would  graciously  please  to  honor  them 
with  his  commissions,  the  same  as  General  Shirley's  and 
Sir  William  Pepperell's  regiments  ;  and  I  am  convinced, 
if  General  Braddock  had  survived,  he  would  have 
recommended  Mr.  Washington  to  the  royal  favor." 


The  Frontiers  77 

At  the  age  of  twenty-three  Washington  thus  held  the 
highest  military  position  in  the  gift  of  the  Governor.  No 
further  honor  could  come  to  him  save  direct  from  the 
King,  the  fountain  of  all  honor.  He  took  his  commis 
sion  modestly,  deprecating  the  confidence  of  his  friends, 
and  warning  them  they  might  be  deceived.  "  I  am  un 
equal  to  the  task,  and  do  assure  you,  that  it  requires 
more  experience  than  I  am  master  of,  to  conduct  an 
affair  of  the  importance  that  this  is  now  arisen  to."  He 
was  wise  in  his  diffidence,  for  the  experience  already  had 
pointed  out  some  serious  defects  in  the  organization  of 
the  colonial  forces.  Why  should  he  be  obliged  to  re 
ceive  officers  appointed  without  his  advice  and  concur 
rence  ?  He  was  answerable  for  their  behavior  in  camp 
and  on  the  field,  and  his  success  was  in  a  measure  de 
pendent  upon  their  conduct  and  loyal  support.  In  the 
species  of  warfare  he  was  planning,  where  the  forces 
were  often  dispersed,  the  officers  had  every  opportunity 
to  misbehave.  With  Braddock's  example  so  fresh  in 
his  mind,  he  sees  the  injustice  of  the  world's  comments. 
"  How  little  credit  is  given  to  a  commander,  who,  after 
a  defeat,  in  relating  the  cause  of  it,  justly  lays  the  blame 
on  some  individual,  whose  cowardly  behavior  betrayed 
the  whole  to  ruin  !  How  little  does  the  world  consider 
the  circumstances,  and  how  apt  are  mankind  to  level 
their  vindictive  censures  against  the  unfortunate  chief, 
who  perhaps  merited  least  of  the  blame  ! " 

Another  lesson  he  had  taken  to  heart — the  necessity 
of  a  strict  performance  of  a  promise  or  contract.  The 
difficulties  attending  any  campaign  across  the  mountains 
were  undeniably  great.  The  mere  question  of  trans 
porting  ordnance,  ammunition,  and  provisions  was  in 


7  8  George  Washington 

itself  sufficient  to  tax  the  ingenuity  of  a  trained  com 
missary.  The  difficulties  had  been  unduly  aggravated 
by  the  inadequate  means  for  meeting  them,  a  want  of 
money,  of  properly  fitted  men,  and  a  deplorable  ab 
sence  of  teams  and  horses.  The  contractors  failed  to 
deliver  the  goods,  the  teamsters  found  it  impossible 
to  transport  such  as  were  delivered  to  the  place  where 
they  were  most  required,  and  the  promises  of  govern 
ment  were  not  strictly  observed.  The  mischief  was  not 
one  for  a  moment,  but  would  last  for  years.  It  would 
still  be  active  in  the  approaching  campaign.  Wagoners 
who  had  received  little  pay  for  their  exertions  in  the 
past,  and  no  compensation  for  their  lost  horses  and 
wagons,  would  not  willingly  again  come  forward.  De 
prived  of  the  necessary  machinery  of  transportation, 
delays  would  be  long,  unduly  multiplied,  even  enforced 
so  as  to  produce  a  full  stoppage.  "  I  am  fully  sensible, 
whoever  undertakes  this  command  will  meet  with  such 
insurmountable  obstacles,  that  he  will  soon  be  viewed 
in  the  light  of  an  idle,  indolent  body,  have  his  conduct 
criticised,  and  meet  perhaps  with  opprobrious  abuse, 
when  it  may  be  as  much  out  of  his  power  to  avoid  de 
lays,  as  it  would  be  to  command  the  raging  seas  in  a 
storm."  The  sense  of  responsibility  had  been  greatly 
developed  since  his  venturesome  journey  to  the  French 
fort  in  the  winter  of  i753-'54- 

Everything  was  to  be  done.  The  commissary  was 
reluctant  to  enter  into  new  engagements  before  he  had 
been  satisfied  for  the  old  contracts.  There  was  an 
abundance  of  provisions,  intended  for  Braddock's  army, 
too  great  a  supply  for  the  Virginians  alone.  He  pro 
posed  to  send  them  to  the  West  Indies,  there  to  be 


The  Frontiers  79 

exchanged  for  rum,  an  article  that  was  a  good  medium  of 
exchange  anywhere  in  the  back  country,  readily  buying 
flour,  pork,  or  clothing.  Supplies  of  shoes,  stockings, 
shirts,  and  hats  were  taken  wherever  offered  at  fair 
prices,  and  in  these  petty  but  necessary  details  of  re 
cruiting  and  equipping  the  new  army  Washington 
expended  his  energies.  He  consulted  with  Dinwiddie 
at  Williamsburg ;  went  to  Alexandria  to  direct  the  col 
lection  of  stores  ;  rode  to  Fort  Cumberland  to  assume 
command,  and  penetrated  as  far  as  Fort  Dinwiddie 
on  Jackson's  River.  Satisfying  himself  as  to  the  condi 
tion  of  these  works,  he  returned  to  Alexandria,  again 
visited  the  Governor,  and  shortly  after  was  met  by  an 
express  giving  information  of  an  incursion  of  the  In 
dians,  with  the  usual  accompaniments  of  murder  and 
destruction  of  property.  With  troops  not  only  deficient 
in  numbers  but  wanting  in  the  necessaries  of  a  cam 
paign,  often  disobedient  and  on  the  point  of  mutiny, 
Washington  faced  the  difficulties  of  defending  the  back 
settlements. 

On  reaching  Winchester  evidence  of  the  trouble  met 
him.  The  people  from  the  backwoods  were  flocking 
into  the  town,  while  those  of  the  town  were  moving  out, 
fearing  an  attack.  Everything  was  hurry  and  confu 
sion,  and  no  man  would  join  the  militia,  preferring,  as 
they  said,  to  die  with  their  wives  and  families.  Wagons 
were  impressed  to  go  for  flour,  ammunition,  and  supplies  ; 
gunsmiths  were  almost  forced  to  remain  and  do  what  was 
expected  of  them.  "  In  all  things  I  meet  with  the 
greatest  opposition.  No  orders  are  obeyed,  but  what  a 
party  of  soldiers,  or  my  own  drawn  sword,  enforces  ; 
without  this  a  single  horse,  for  the  most  urgent  occasion, 


8o  George  Washington 

cannot  be  had,  to  such  a  pitch  has  the  insolence  of  these 
people  arrived,  by  having  every  point  hitherto  sub 
mitted  to  them.  However,  I  have  given  up  none, 
where  his  Majesty's  service  requires  the  contrary,  and 
where  my  proceedings  are  justified  by  my  instructions ; 
nor  will  I  do  it,  unless  they  execute  what  they  threaten, 
i.  e.  '  to  blow  out  my  brains.' ' 

The  fear  of  the  people  was  exaggerated,  but  in  their 
excited  condition  it  required  but  little  to  start  a  rumor 
which  rapidly  swelled  into  a  detailed  account  of  an  in 
cursion,  death,  and  advancing  hordes  of  savages.  One 
such  flurry  was  investigated  by  Washington  to  deter 
mine  its  truth.  An  express,  spent  with  fear  and  fatigue, 
came  into  camp  at  night,  bringing  word  of  a  party  of 
Indians  some  twelve  miles  away,  driving  the  inhabitants 
before  them.  The  guards  of  the  camp  were  doubled, 
scouts  were  sent  out  to  determine  the  position  of  the 
marauders,  and  all  night  the  men  lay  on  their  arms. 
In  the  morning  came  a  second  express,  ten  times  more 
terrified  than  the  first,  telling  of  Indians  within  four 
miles  of  the  town,  killing  and  destroying  all  before 
them,  for  he  himself  had  heard  constant  firing,  and 
shrieks  of  the  unhappy  murdered  !  Hastily  gathering  a 
small  force,  Washington  went  to  the  scene  of  carnage, 
and  found  three  drunken  soldiers,  carousing,  firing  their 
pistols,  and  uttering  the  most  unheard-of  imprecations. 
As  to  the  first  reported  party  of  Indians,  the  scouts  re 
turned  and  told  of  a  mulatto  and  negro,  seen  hunting 
their  cattle  by  a  child,  who  alarmed  his  father,  and  the 
father  aroused  the  neighborhood.  That  such  incidents 
should  produce  the  results  that  were  produced,  proved 
the  panic  prevailing  among  the  people.  Crowds  were 


The  Frontiers  81 

reported  as  flying  over  the  mountains  to  seek  the  shel 
ter  of  the  settlements,  and  no  arguments  could  restrain 
them.  The  truth  was  that  the  Indians  making  the  first 
alarm  had  turned  back,  and  not  even  their  tracks  could 
be  found.  The  proper  course  to  pursue  was  for  the 
inhabitants  to  return  to  their  homes  and  care  for  their 
crops.  This  Washington  advised  them  to  do,  and  in  a 
few  days  the  terror  had  subsided. 

An  old  difficulty  now  presented  itself  in  a  new  face 
— the  question  of  rank  under  the  different  commissions. 
By  the  defeat  of  Braddock  Maryland  was  aroused  into 
some  activity,  and  a  company  of  men  was  raised  and 
stationed  at  Fort  Cumberland.  One  Captain  John 
Dagworthy  was  in  command,  having  some  military 
repute  from  serving  at  the  head  of  a  Jersey  company 
in  the  Canada  expedition.  Since  that  time  he  had 
resided  on  an  estate  of  his  own  in  Maryland,  and  for 
some  reason  was  selected  by  Governor  Sharpe  to  lead 
the  provincial  force,  such  as  it  was.  Innes,  now  known 
as  Governor,  was  really  the  commander  of  Fort  Cum 
berland,  but  had  been  called  to  North  Carolina  by  his 
private  affairs.  Dagworthy  claimed  to  succeed  him,  re 
fused  to  obey  the  orders  of  any  other  colonial  officers, 
and  was  supported  indirectly  by  Sharpe's  refusing  to 
give  decisive  directions  in  the  matter.  The  fort,  he 
claimed,  was  on  Maryland  territory,  and  was  therefore 
subject  to  his  jurisdiction.  Dinwiddie,  on  the  other 
hand,  held  that  it  was  a  King's  fort,  built  by  order  of 
the  King,  and  chiefly  by  forces  in  the  pay  of  the  King. 
No  one  colony  could  claim  it  for  its  own.  Further,  as 
Captain  Dagworthy  had  commuted  his  half-pay  for  a 
specific  sum  of  money,  his  original  commission  was 


82  George  Washington 

obsolete,  and  he  could  not  pretend  to  act  under  it.  As  a 
captain  of  thirty  men,  holding  a  commission  from  the 
Governor  of  Maryland,  he  could  hardly  claim  prece 
dence  of  the  commander  in  chief  of  all  the  Virginia  forces. 

The  question,  so  petty  in  appearance,  involved  im 
portant  principles.  The  inferior  officers  naturally  took 
sides,  and  united  action  or  harmony  of  orders  was  out 
of  the  question.  Washington  proposed  to  move  the  fort 
so  as  to  bring  it  into  Virginia ;  that  would  be  advisable 
under  any  conditions.  He  then  urged  Dinwiddie  to  lay 
the  question  of  rank  and  command  before  Governor 
Shirley,  now  the  arbiter  of  military  matters  in  America. 
"  I  can  never  submit,"  he  said,  "  to  the  command  of  Cap 
tain  Dagworthy."  What  made  it  the  more  galling  was 
that  the  Marylander  supported  his  men  on  the  provi 
sions  supplied  by  the  Virginians.  The  latter  now  wished 
to  urge  Shirley  to  put  them  upon  the  regular  establish 
ment,  a  proposition  sensible  in  itself  and  capable  of 
ending  all  contention.  They  further  wished  Washing 
ton  to  appear  personally  before  the  General  to  plead 
their  cause.  This  he  was  willing  to  do,  as  it  would 
enable  him  to  learn  the  plans  of  those  directing  them, 
and  how  far  the  co-operation  of  the  other  colonies  could 
be  counted  upon.  He  asked  leave  of  Dinwiddie  to 
go  to  Boston,  and  received  a  favorable  reply.  In  the 
meanwhile  a  meeting  of  governors,  held  at  New  York, 
at  which  Virginia  was  not  represented,  laid  out  a  plan  of 
operations  for  the  spring. 

Leaving  Alexandria  in  February,  1 756,  Washington 
made  his  way  on  horseback  towards  Boston,  stopping  at 
the  different  towns  on  his  route,  and  meeting  those  who 
were  ruling  the  policies  of  the  colonies.  His  reputation 


The  Frontiers  83 

gained  under  Braddock  was  sufficient  to  open  all  doors 
to  him,  and  his  definite  views  of  what  course  should  be 
pursued  made  him  a  welcome  adviser.  Separated  as  the 
colonies  were  in  every  respect,  he  could  give  at  least  one 
common  issue,  the  advance  of  the  French,  and  point  out 
the  great  importance  of  the  fort  on  the  Ohio  in  estab 
lishing  the  claims  of  England  to  the  western  country. 
It  was  not  so  much  the  social  experience  of  the  young 
soldier  that  gave  this  journey  its  importance ;  it  was  the 
political  connections  formed,  and  the  opportunity  to  show 
how  well  he  had  mastered  the  leading  points  of  western 
policy.  After  an  absence  of  six  weeks  he  was  again  at 
Williamsburg,  armed  with  a  letter  from  Shirley  recog 
nizing  his  claim  to  rank. 

Though  successful  on  the  main  point,  Washington 
returned  to  Virginia  fully  resolved  to  resign  his  commis 
sion.  Governor  Sharpe  had  become  convinced  that  it 
was  only  just  to  recognize  the  claims  of  the  Virginian, 
and  had  written  to  Shirley  asking  that  he  make  him 
second  in  command.  "  As  Mr.  Washington  is  much 
esteemed  in  Virginia,  and  really  seems  a  gentleman  of 
merit,  I  should  be  exceedingly  glad  to  learn  that  your 
Excellency  is  not  averse  to  favoring  his  application  and 
request."  With  Sharpe  in  his  favor,  and  Shirley  ready 
to  recognize  his  claims,  it  would  seem  as  if  his  position 
could  not  be  stronger  or  more  satisfactory.  Circum 
stances  obliged  him  to  remain  in  service,  for  an  outbreak 
of  the  Indians  threatened  to  drive  the  settlers  into  the 
towns. 

The  general  determination  of  operations  did  not  de 
fine  what  particular  acts  the  Colony  should  perform, 
and  Washington  offered  two  policies,  one  of  which  must 


84  George  Washington 

be  followed.  He  must  either  prepare  to  take  the  field 
in  the  spring,  or  confine  his  thoughts  to  guarding  the 
frontiers  only.  In  the  one  case  he  must  be  ready  to 
take  the  initiative  and  act  on  the  offensive ;  in  the 
other  he  would  be  passive  until  attacked.  His  small 
force  had  given  him  no  choice,  and  a  number  of 
forts  along  a  stretch  of  one  hundred  miles  of  fron 
tiers  were  built.  Pennsylvania  had  adopted  the  same 
policy  of  defense,  and  the  Virginia  Assembly  formally 
came  into  the  measure  by  voting  to  erect  a  chain  of  forts 
along  the  entire  western  limits  of  settlements.  The 
provincial  force  was  to  be  raised  to  two  thousand  men. 

Not  only  was  the  service  hard  but  the  pay  was 
small.  In  the  default  of  proper  recruiting  laws,  bodies 
of  militia  were  called  out,  who  were  slow  in  coming 
forward  and  were  discharged  after  the  camp  discipline 
had  begun  to  make  them  soldiers.  In  the  absence  of  a 
full  military  law  the  commanding  officer  was  unable 
to  exercise  the  control  over  officers  and  men  which  was 
essential  to  maintain  a  high  standard  of  quality.  The 
trouble  was  inherent  in  the  methods  of  obtaining  men. 
They  were  enlisted  when  drunk,  and  servants  and 
apprentices  were  taken  in  defiance  of  law.  Recruiting 
agents  seized,  imprisoned,  and  tortured  men  to  force 
them  to  be  enrolled.  At  election  times  officers  stood 
at  the  polling  places  to  induce  recruits  to  sign.  No 
selection  was  exercised,  and  boys  were  accepted  as 
readily  as  men. 

Gathered  in  this  way  the  men  proved  refractory 
when  subjected  to  camp  discipline.  The  officers  were 
inattentive  to  their  duties,  and  the  soldiers  grew  in 
solent.  The  adoption  of  a  military  law  modelled  after 


The  Frontiers  85 

that  of  Great  Britain  did  not  entirely  remove  all  dif 
ficulties.  Desertions  were  frequent,  and  the  guilty 
were  sheltered  and  entertained  by  the  people.  Yet  the 
punishment  of  desertion  was  death.  "  Any  soldier  who 
shall  desert"  ran  the  orders,  "though  he  return  again, 
shall  be  hanged  without  mercy."  A  defect  in  the 
power  would  not  permit  Washington  to  mete  out  this 
full  penalty,  so  he  was  obliged  to  "  whip  stoutly  "  any 
who  should  desert  and  be  retaken.  When  the  proper 
power  was  conferred  he  did  not  hesitate  to  hang.  He 
relates  to  the  Governor  his  enjoying  an  escort  of  thirty 
men,  chiefly  officers,  along  the  range  of  forts  on  Jack 
son's  River.  "With  this  small  company  of  irregulars, 
with  whom  order,  regularity,  circumspection,  and  vigi 
lance  were  matters  of  derision  and  contempt,  we  set 
out,  and,  by  the  protection  of  Providence,  reached 
Augusta  Court  House  in  seven  days,  without  meeting 
the  enemy;  otherwise  we  must  have  fallen  a  sacrifice, 
through  the  indiscretion  of  these  whooping,  hallooing 
gentlemen  soldiers!"  If  such  was  the  quality  of  the 
officers,  what  could  be  expected  of  the  men  ? 

War  was  declared  against  France  by  the  King  on 
May  1 7th,  1756.  Early  in  August  the  fact  became 
known  in  Virginia,  and  Washington,  now  at  Win 
chester,  was  obliged  to  inquire  what  ceremony  should 
be  observed  in  making  the  declaration  locally.  Din- 
widdie  instructed  him  to  declare  war  at  the  head  of  his 
companies,  "with  three  volleys  of  small  arms  for  his 
Majesty's  health  and  a  successful  war."  As  the  opera 
tions  in  America  would  occur  in  more  than  one  of 
the  colonies,  the  ministry  named  the  general.  In  the 
light  of  subsequent  events  the  announcement  of  the 


86  George  Washington 

choice  was  in  sarcastic  terms.  "  The  events  of  the  en 
suing  campaign,"  wrote  Dunk  Halifax  to  the  governors, 
"  in  which  the  interest,  honour,  and  safety  of  his 
Majesty's  American  Dominions  are  so  deeply  con 
cerned  are  in  the  hands  of  Providence ;  but  his  Ma 
jesty  as  far  as  he  has  been  able  to  provide  for  the 
success  of  arms  by  the  choice  of  a  general  seems  to 
have  done  it  in  the  appointment  of  the  Earl  of  Lou- 
doun."  To  General  Abercrombie  Dinwiddie  recom 
mended  Washington  in  high  terms  of  praise.  "He 
is  a  person  much  beloved  here,  and  he  has  gone 
through  many  hardships  in  the  service,  and  I  really 
think  he  has  great  merit,  and  believe  he  can  raise  more 
men  here,  than  any  one  present  that  I  know.  If  his 
Lordship  will  be  so  kind  as  to  promote  him  in  the 
British  establishment,  I  think  he  will  answer  my 
recommendation." 

Washington's  relations  with  the  Lieutenant-Gover- 
nor  were  not  entirely  smooth.  Patience  was  not  one  of 
the  strong  elements  of  Dinwiddie's  character,  and  it  had 
been  sorely  tried  by  the  events  of  two  years.  Stand 
ing  alone  in  his  efforts  to  drive  out  the  French,  he  had 
felt  the  half-hearted  measures  of  colonies  having  an 
equal  interest  in  the  campaigns,  or  the  total  abstention 
of  those  whose  interests  were  concerned  if  only  indi 
rectly.  With  an  Assembly  that®was  in  opposition,  with 
inefficient  subordinates,  and  with  many^disappointments 
in  men  and  things,  for  which  he  was  held  accountable, 
he  became  sensitive  to  criticism,"and  irritable  under  it. 

The  experience  of  Washington  on  the  frontiers  had 
given  him  a  poor  opinion  of  Fort  Cumberland.  It  was 
too  remote  to  be  of  any  service  in  protecting  the 


The  Frontiers  87 

people,  as  he  learned  after  a  visit  to  the  place.  It  could  not 
properly  form  one  of  the  chain  of  forts,  and  yet  required 
a  force  of  size  as  a  garrison.  The  works  were  unfin 
ished  and  not  strongly  built,  and  were  "  not  capable  of 
an  hour's  defense,  if  the  enemy  were  to  bring  only  one 
single  half-pounder  against  it ;  which  they  might  do 
with  great  ease  on  horseback."  When  the  council  had 
considered  these  objections,  they  believed  the  keeping 
of  the  fort  was  an  unnecessary  expense ;  but  Dinwiddie 
would  entertain  no  proposal  to  abandon  it,  showing 
much  warmth  in  the  matter.  He  wrote  to  Washington 
that  Fort  Cumberland  was  a  King's  fort,  and  built 
chiefly  at  the  expense  of  the  Colony  ;  therefore  properly 
under  his  direction  until  another  commander  was  ap 
pointed.  Such  an  answer,  given  in  a  somewhat  petulant 
manner,  could  not  silence  the  complaints  or  arguments 
of  Washington.  He  was  on  the  spot,  had  measured  the 
strength  of  the  fort  and  the  temper  of  his  men,  and  was 
pressed  on  all  sides  by  calls  for  help  from  places  exposed 
to  attack  and  depending  upon  him  for  safety.  He 
again  urged  the  abandonment  of  Fort  Cumberland,  and 
Dinwiddie  yielded  so  far  as  to  permit  him  to  call  a 
council  of  his  officers  to  consider  the  question.  It  had 
become  more  a  question  of  maintaining  a  number  of 
small  and  weak  garrisons  on  the  frontier,  or  concentrat 
ing  larger  bodies  of  men  in  the  more  exposed  places, 
whence  they  could  move  more  freely  and  with  greater 
safety  as  occasion  called  for.  Under  the  former  policy 
an  ineffective  campaign  of  defense  would  follow ;  while 
Washington  wished  for  an  offensive  movement,  and 
believed  it  necessary.  "  Carrying  the  war  into  the 
enemy's  country  is  the  surest  method  of  peace  at  home 


88  George  Washington 

and  success  abroad."  The  friendship  of  the  Indians 
depended  upon  the  defeat  and  dislodging  of  the  French. 

The  Governor  received  the  results  of  the  deliberations 
of  the  officers,  submitted  them  to  his  council,  and  ordered 
Washington  to  abandon  the  stockade  forts  on  the 
Branch,  to  send  from  Winchester  one  hundred  men  to 
Fort  Cumberland,  to  proceed  to  that  place  himself,  and, 
remaining  there,  to  make  it  as  strong  against  an  attack 
as  was  possible.  Colonel  Washington  felt  the  tone  of 
the  order  and  the  chill  of  the  letter  in  which  it  was  con 
veyed.  "  Am  sorry  to  find  that  this,  and  my  best 
endeavors  of  late,  meet  with  unfavorable  constructions. 
What  it  proceeds  from,  I  know  not.  If  my  open  and 
disinterested  way  of  writing  and  speaking  has  the  air  of 
pertness  and  freedom,  I  shall  correct  my  error  by  acting 
reservedly,  and  shall  take  care  to  obey  my  orders  without 
offering  any  thing  more." 

The  winter  was  passed  in  this  petty  business  of  the 
forts,  and  on  the  approach  of  spring  Washington  de 
termined  to  avail  himself  of  the  presence  of  Lord  Lou- 
doun  in  Virginia  to  urge  his  policy.  In  spite  of  spending 
eight  months  in  doing  no  essential  service  to  the  coun 
try,  or  gaining  honor  or  reputation  for  the  regiment, 
much  had  been  accomplished.  The  Virginia  force,  dis 
persed  over  the  country,  and  acting  on  the  defensive, 
had  been  engaged  in  upwards  of  twenty  skirmishes,  and 
had  lost  in  killed  and  wounded  near  a  hundred  men. 
In  other  colonies  it  had  been  the  settlers  who  had  suf 
fered  the  heaviest  losses  ;  in  Virginia  it  was  the  regi 
ment,  and  the  settlers  had  enjoyed  as  high  a  degree  of 
protection  as  was  under  the  circumstances  possible. 
"  This,  I  conceive,  will  not  appear  inconsiderable  to 


The  Frontiers  89 

those,  who  are  in  the  least  degree  acquainted  with  the 
nature  of  this  service,  and  the  posture  of  our  affairs  ; 
however  it  may  seem  to  chimney-corner  politicians,  who 
are  thirsting  for  news,  and  expecting  by  every  express 
to  hear  in  what  manner  Fort  Duquesne  was  taken,  and 
the  garrison  led  away  captive  by  our  small  numbers ; 
altho'  we  are  restrained  from  making  the  attempt,  were 
our  hopes  of  success  ever  so  rational  !  " 

The  long  list  of  matters  requiring  attention  was  only 
a  summary  of  what  he  had  urged  upon  the  executive  of 
the  Colony.  The  chief  items  of  the  list  have  already 
been  given  ;  for  himself  he  asked  proper  recognition. 
As  it  was  he  bore  the  blame  for  all  reverses,  although 
he  was  subject  to  ambiguous  orders,  was  given  no  privi 
lege  of  defending  himself,  and  had  long  been  satisfied 
that  to  continue  in  a  service  which  promised  so  little  of 
a  soldier's  reward,  would  involve  a  loss  of  honor.  He 
had  been  led  to  expect  a  better  establishment.  Brad- 
dock  had  promised  him  all  he  desired,  "  and  I  believe 
that  gentleman  was  too  sincere  and  generous  to  make 
unmeaning  offers,  when  no  favors  were  asked."  General 
Shirley  had  also  made  promises,  and  the  Virginia  legis 
lature  had  first  solicited  the  Lieutenant-Governor  to 
address  the  King,  and  again  had  themselves  addressed 
his  Majesty  in  favor  of  the  regiment.  Loudoun  asked 
the  governors  of  the  southern  colonies  to  meet  him  in 
Philadelphia,  and  Dinwiddie,  somewhat  sulkily,  gave 
Washington  permission  to  attend.  In  one  respect  this 
council  did  not  meet  the  expectations  of  Virginia.  It 
was  found  that  Loudoun's  instructions  called  for  a 
northern  campaign,  and  further  the  principal  defense  of 
the  southern  colonies  would  be  made  from  South 


90  George  Washington 

Carolina,  a  part  of  the  Virginia  levies  being  ordered  to  that 
province.  Thus  Virginia  was  called  upon  not  only  to 
raise  troops  for  its  own  protection,  but  to  provide  men 
for  Carolina.  Fort  Cumberland  was  recognized  as  a 
Maryland  fort,  and  the  Virginians  were  to  retire  to  Fort 
Loudoun,  where,  accordingly,  Washington,  in  April, 
made  his  headquarters. 

The  little  friction  between  the  Governor  and  the 
Colonel  increased,  though  it  must  be  admitted  it  was 
due  more  to  Washington  than  to  Dinwiddie.  Where  a 
slight  is  conceived,  it  is  not  difficult  to  look  upon  many 
harmless  incidents  as  intentional  injuries.  Washington 
had  cause  to  believe  that  the  Governor  would  be  really 
pleased  to  hear  that  he  was  in  trouble.  There  was  no 
lack  of  criticism  of  the  force  on  the  frontier.  For  some 
time  rumors  of  drunkenness,  immoralities,  and  offenses 
against  discipline  were  common,  and  included  officers 
as  well  as  men.  Vague  at  first,  the  details  of  miscon 
duct  became  more  definite,  and  finally  took  the  form  of 
newspaper  controversy.  One  attack,  made  by  "  Centi- 
nel  X,"  was  thought  of  such  moment  that  Washington 
wrote  a  reply,  and  his  friends  took  up  the  pen  in  his  be 
half.  In  truth  there  was  little  or  no  personal  feeling 
against  Washington  on  the  part  of  the  Governor.  He 
was  criticised  so  much  for  the  heavy  expenses  of  the 
military  establishment,  that  he  had  become  sensitive, 
and  -ready  to  cut  down  expenses  where  an  opening  was 
offered.  His  readiness  to  issue  orders  and  proffer  ad 
vice  was  resented  by  Washington,  whose  superior  officer 
was  Colonel  Stanwix,  now  in  command  of  the  middle 
and  southern  provinces.  The  Governor  persisted  in 
maintaining  a  general  direction,  issuing  commands  at 


The  Frontiers  91 

variance  with  those  of  Stanwix,  and  naturally  involving 
in  perplexity  those  to  whom  they  were  directed.  A 
certain  deficiency  in  tact  was  thus  developed,  and  Din- 
widdie  was  made  to  appear  ungracious  to  a  degree  he 
did  not  deserve.  When,  in  his  doubt,  Washington 
applied  to  both  for  leave  to  attend  to  a  matter  con 
nected  with  the  will  of  his  brother,  Dinwiddie  said  no, 
"  your  absence  on  that  account  from  Fort  Loudoun  must 
be  suspended,  till  our  affairs  give  a  better  prospect." 
Colonel  Stanwix  was  better  equipped  for  commanding 
the  good  will  of  his  officers.  "  I  expressed  my  concern 
that  you  should  think  such  a  thing  necessary7  to  mention 
to  me,  as  I  am  sure  you  could  not  be  out  of  call,  should 
the  service  require  your  immediate  attendance  ;  and  I 
hope  you  will  always  take  that  liberty  upon  yourself, 
which  I  hope  you  will  now  do." 

Petty  matters  and  passing  comments  became  big 
under  the  eye  of  suspicion,  and  Washington  saw  in  every 
line  a  judgment  on  his  conduct.  He  believed  his  best 
endeavors  lost  their  reward  ;  that  reproof  was  given 
where  no  reproof  was  due  ;  that  words  were  applied  to  dis 
credit  his  acts.  He  resented  the  use  of  the  terms  "  loose 
behavior  "  and  "  remissness  of  duties  "  employed  in  one 
of  Dinwiddie's  letters  ;  and  not  content  with  defending 
himself  from  written  insinuations,  he  took  up  the  silly 
charges  circulating  at  Williamsburg,  that  he  had  delib 
erately  exaggerated  the  Indian  raids  in  order  to  increase 
his  own  importance,  and  secure  men  and  money  from 
the  Assembly.  This  conduct  gave  the  Governor  an 
opportunity  to  be  plain  with  him.  "  I  'd  advise  you  not 
to  give  credit  to  every  idle  story  you  hear  ;  for  if  I  was  to 
notice  reports  of  different  kinds,  I  should  be  constantly 


92  George  Washington 

perplexed  My  conduct  to  you  from  the  beginning 
was  always  friendly;  but  you  know  I  had  great  rea 
son  to  suspect  you  of  ingratitude,  which  I  am  con 
vinced  your  own  conscience  and  reflection  must  allow.  I 
had  reason  to  be  angry,  but  this  endeavor  to  forget 
.  .  .  As  I  have  his  Majesty's  leave  to  go  for  England, 
I  propose  leaving  this  in  November,  and  I  wish  my 
successor  may  show  you  as  much  friendship  as  I  have 
done," 

The  truth  was  that  Washington  was  a  sick  man,  and 
worried  by  the  anxieties  of  a  long  and  harassing  service 
on  die  frontiers,  smarting  under  a  sense  of  neglect  and 
criticism,  his  health  broke  down,  and  he  was  obliged  to 
retire  to  Mount  Veraon,  where  dysentery  and  fever 
brought  him  so  low  that  four  months  passed  before  he 
could  resume  his  duties. 


CHAPTER  VI 


FORT    DU    QUESXE 

VERY  one  admitted  that  Loudoun 
had  been  a  failure,  and  welcomed  a 
change  in  leaders.  Colonel  John 
Forbes,  acting  under  Abercromby, 
was  directed  to  take  command  of  an 
expedition  against  Fort  Du  Quesne, 
and  with  ever}*  promise  of  success* 
Washington,  now  recovered  from  his  illness,  asked  Colo 
nel  Stanwix  to  mention  him  in  honorable  terms  to  the 
new  leader,  "  not  as  a  person  who  would  depend  upon  him 
for  further  recommendation  to  military  preferment,  for 
I  have  long  conquered  all  such  inclinations  (and  serve  this 
campaign  merely  for  the  purpose  of  affording  my  best 
endeavors  to  bring  matters  to  a  conclusion),  but  as  a 
person  who  would  gladly  be  distinguished  in  some  meas 
ure  from  the  common  run  of  provincial  officers,  as  I  un 
derstand  there  will  be  a  motley  herd  of  us," 

The  new  appointments  instilled  activity  into  the 
operations,  and  Sir  John  St  Clair  was  sent  to  Virginia 
to  make  preparations  for  an  early  movement.  There 
was  no  governor  or  lieutenant-governor,  and  the  exec 
utive  office  was  filled  by  John  Blair,  the  President  of  the 

93 


94  George  Washington 

Council,  a  warm  friend  of  Washington.  It  was  only 
right  that  the  details  should  be  turned  over  to  the  Colo 
nel  of  the  regiment,  who  soon  felt  that  firmer  heads 
were  directing  the  campaign,  heads  that  knew  what  was 
most  needed.  All  kinds  of  field  equipages  were  required, 
and  the  officers  must  be  placed  in  a  condition  to  take  the 
field,  for  which  special  allowances  must  be  made.  The 
ill  feeling  prevailing  in  the  regiments  must  be  allayed. 
It  appeared  that  bounties  were  offered  to  the  second 
regiment,  which  was  enlisted  till  December  only,  while 
the  first  regiment,  Washington's,  received  none,  although 
it  had  already  seen  long  and  arduous  service  and  was 
enlisted  for  the  war.  Nor  had  they  received  any  cloth 
ing  for  two  years,  though  they  had  a  right  to  an  annual 
supply.  The  regiment  must  be  completed,  but  in  what 
manner,  drafts  or  voluntary  enlistments  ?  Fort  Loudoun 
was  still  in  an  unfinished  state,  and  even  when  done, 
must  be  stocked  with  supplies  and  ammunition.  It  was 
a  change  in  the  attitude  of  the  English  ministry  that 
gave  a  fillip  to  the  exertions  of  the  colonies.  It  was 
stipulated  that  arms,  ammunition,  tents,  and  provisions 
should  be  supplied  to  all  provincial  troops,  in  the 
same  manner  as  to  the  regular  forces,  and  at  the 
King's  expense.  Thus  a  good  load  of  cost  was  lifted 
from  the  colonies,  as  they  now  provided  only  for  levy 
ing,  clothing,  and  paying  the  men.  The  troublesome 
question  of  rank  was  determined  once  for  all,  and  in  a 
manner  that  could  easily  have  been  adopted  three  years 
earlier.  The  governors  were  authorized  to  commission 
officers  from  colonels  downwards,  and  these  commis 
sions  were  to  enjoy  equal  rank  with  those  issued  by  the 
King. 


Fort  Du  Quesne  95 

The  intercourse  between  Washington  and  his  supe 
rior  officers  was  at  once  free  and  confidential.  He  pos 
sessed  valuable  experience  and  a  thorough  knowledge 
of  the  conditions  to  be  met,  the  conditions  necessary  to 
success.  Both  Forbes  and  Bouquet  were  receptive  of 
suggestion  and  eager  to  avail  themselves  of  whatever 
was  at  hand  to  advance  their  purpose.  The  obstacles 
that  blinded  poor  Braddock,  and  induced  his  ruin  with 
that  of  his  army,  were  no  longer  present ;  and  the  cor 
respondence  on  both  sides  proves  the  estimate  in  which 
the  opinion  of  Washington  was  held,  and  the  confidence 
with  which  he  advised  his  commander  on  matters  small 
as  well  as  great. 

His  regiment  was  short  of  clothing,  and  there  was  no 
prospect  of  getting  as  large  a  stock  as  was  needed.  In 
stead  of  repining,  and  remaining  inactive  until  the  wants 
had  been  met,  Washington  proposed  to  put  both  men 
and  officers  in  Indian  dress,  and  to  set  the  example  by 
adopting  it  himself.  "  Nothing  but  the  uncertainty  of 
its  taking  with  the  General,"  he  wrote  to  Bouquet, 
"  causes  me  to  hesitate  a  moment  at  leaving  my  regi 
mentals  at  this  place,  and  proceeding  as  light  as  any 
Indian  in  the  woods.  'T  is  an  unbecoming  dress,  I  con 
fess,  for  an  officer ;  but  convenience,  rather  than  show, 
I  think,  should  be  consulted."  Bouquet  was  enough  of 
a  leader  to  recognize  the  advantage  of  the  suggestion, 
and  gave  it  his  endorsement.  It  was  a  lighter  dress, 
more  suited  to  the  woods,  less  liable  to  wear,  and  neces 
sary  where  horses  were  few  in  number  and  burdened 
with  transport.  "  I  am  sensible  that  I  have  lessened  the 
appearance  of  the  First  Virginia  regiment ;  but  I  beg  the 
General  to  think  that  I  have  rendered  them  more  fit  for 


96  George  Washington 

the  active  service  they  are  intended  to  be  engaged  in." 
Even  the  men  smiled  at  the  effect,  and  Stephen  called 
it  an  undress  rather  than  a  dress  ;  but  Bouquet  was 
quick  to  see  its  merits,  and  complimented  Washington 
on  the  extraordinary  despatch  with  which  the  plan  had 
been  carried  into  effect,  and  admitted  that  the  dress 
should  be  the  pattern  for  the  whole  expedition.  "  The 
dress  takes  very  well  here,"  he  wrote,  "  and,  thank  God, 
we  see  nothing  but  shirts  and  blankets." 

A  more  serious  matter,  and  one  in  which  Bouquet 
was  not  expert,  was  the  employment  of  Indians.  Since 
Braddock's  defeat  the  relations  between  the  natives  and 
the  English  had  not  been  satisfactory,  and  even  the  ap 
pointment  of  special  agents  did  not  produce  the  expected 
results.  The  object  lay  rather  in  the  purpose  and  nature 
of  the  Indians,  who  had  been  much  altered  by  their  con 
tact  with  the  whites,  and  not  for  the  better.  The  trad 
ers  and  common  interpreters  through  whom  trade  and 
intercourse  were  conducted,  were  for  the  most  part  a 
villainous  lot,  and  they  played  upon  the  interest  of  the 
Indian,  but  for  their  own  gain.  Promises  solemnly  made 
were  denied  and  never  performed  ;  treaties  entered  into 
with  all  the  formality  dear  to  the  Indian's  heart  were 
broken  and  set  aside  as  so  much  waste  paper ;  the  land 
and  the  furs  of  the  natives  were  welcome  at  a  price,  but 
no  rights  of  theirs  were  held  as  sacred  or  as  valid  against 
the  selfish  greed  of  the  settler  or  trader.  The  French 
had  learned  that  through  gifts  they  could  hold  the  alle 
giance  of  the  Indians  for  a  time,  and  presents  annually 
made  were  favorable  to  treaty  relations  of  peace  and 
even  support  against  a  common  foe.  The  English  had 
promised  gifts  but  failed  to  send  them,  and  met  the 


Fort  Du  Quesne  97 

complaints  of  broken  faith  with  a  stolid  indifference  of 
the  effect  on  the  Indian. 

Washington  urged  upon  Stanwix  the  importance  of 
retaining  the  services  of  such  Indians  as  were  friendly  ; 
on  their  assistance  depended  greatly  the  security  of  the 
march.  More  than  five  hundred  were  now  gathered, 
and  more  were  daily  expected.  They  were  weary  with 
long  waiting,  and  thoroughly  sensible  of  their  own  im 
portance,  were  easily  offended.  To  march  through  the 
woods  and  to  meet  hostile  Indians  without  their  aid 
would  be  dangerous.  Success  did  not  depend  so  much 
upon  numbers  as  upon  possessing  the  proper  instru 
ments  ;  and  a  marching  army  could  be  easily  harassed 
by  a  skulking  foe,  unless  flanked  by  those  able  to  cope 
with  such  an  enemy.  Mercenary  the  natives  were  ;  but 
it  was  through  this  quality  they  could  be  approached 
and  made  faithful.  An  early  campaign  and  plenty  of 
goods  would  make  them  allies. 

Military  matters  were  not  the  only  subjects  engaging 
Washington's  attention.  His  brother's  service  in  the 
Burgesses  naturally  pointed  to  George  as  his  successor. 
There  was  sufficient  regard  for  family  and  property  in 
Virginia  to  give  the  office  of  representative  to  certain 
names,  almost  handing  it  down  from  father  to  son. 
While  the  executive  offices,  and  even  admittance  to  the 
governor's  council,  were  bought  and  sold  (an  English 
custom  long  acclimated  in  the  southern  colonies  in  Amer 
ica),  the  seat  in  the  Burgesses  went  by  favor  and  elec 
tion.  For  some  years  Washington  had  looked  forward 
to  taking  a  place  at  the  polls,  and,  it  is  believed,  he  was 
set  aside  more  than  once,  for  an  older  and  more  popular 
candidate.  However  that  may  be,  in  1 758,  he  determined 


98  George  Washington 

to  make  a  political  campaign,  and  rather  rashly  de 
cided  against  putting  in  a  personal  appearance.  By 
proxy  his  name  was  presented,  and  by  proxy  the  canvass 
was  made.  Colonel  James  Wood,  a  man  of  great  pop 
ularity,  went  through  the  forms  in  his  behalf,  being  car 
ried  around  the  town  of  Winchester  in  the  midst  of  much 
huzzaing  for  George  Washington.  A  barbacue,  and 
dances,  both  described  as  dull  affairs,  and  much  drinking 
in  honor  of  the  would-be  legislator,  were  inseparable  ad 
juncts  to  determining  the  popular  will.  Punch  by  the 
barrel  and  hogshead,  plenty  of  wine,  brandy,  rum,  and 
strong  beer,  assisted  the  voters  to  see  special  merits  in 
one  of  the  candidates,  and  Washington's  bill  for  this 
instruction  in  the  use  of  the  ballot  was  a  heavy  one.  He 
came  out  at  the  top  of  the  poll,  even  receiving  a  larger 
number  of  votes  than  were  cast  for  Colonel  Martin,  a 
nephew  of  Lord  Fairfax. 

Another  question  occupied  the  attention  of  the  sol 
dier-politician.  Where  and  how  he  met  Martha  Custis 
has  not  been  ascertained,  and  fortunately  history  has 
drawn  a  fitting  veil  over  the  scenes  and  incidents  of  his 
winning  a  bride.  A  widow,  of  some  pretensions  to  beauty 
and  reputed  to  be  rich  in  her  own  right,  she  was  yet  of 
plain  origin,  and  possessed  only  the  light  accomplish 
ments  which  were  then  given  to  women.  Exercising 
strong  sense  and  homely  qualities,  devoted  to  household 
matters  and  careful  in  her  management  of  what  came 
within  a  wife's  calling,  she  was  eminently  fitted  to  rule 
over  Mount  Vernon.  Tradition  has  been  active  in 
throwing  round  her  an  atmosphere  of  culture,  breeding, 
and  remarkable  qualities.  It  was  the  homely  qualities 
that  should  commend  her,  the  reserve  and  repression  of 


Fort  Du  Quesne  99 

self  that  made  her  equal  to  the  requirements  of  planta 
tion,  camp,  and  president's  home.  One  glimpse  of  the 
first  days  of  the  engagement  has  survived  in  a  letter 
from  the  young  soldier  : 

"  We  have  begun  our  march  for  the  Ohio.  A  courier 
is  starting  for  Williamsburg,  and  I  embrace  the  oppor 
tunity  to  send  a  few  words  to  one  whose  life  is  now  in 
separable  from  mine.  Since  that  happy  hour  when  we 
made  our  pledges  to  each  other,  my  thoughts  have  been 
continually  going  to  you  as  another  Self.  That  an  all- 
powerful  Providence  may  keep  us  both  in  safety  is  the 
prayer  of  your  ever  faithful  and  affectionate  friend." 

In  July  the  preparations  were  so  far  completed  that 
an  advance  could  be  made.  The  news  of  the  capture  of 
Louisburg  came  at  this  time  as  an  inspiring  call  for 
action,  and  Washington  wished  to  be  among  those  first 
ordered  forward.  "If  there  needs  any  argument  to 
obtain  this  favor,  I  hope  without  vanity  I  may  be  allowed 
to  say,  that,  from  long  intimacy  and  scouting  in  these 
woods,  my  men  are  as  well  acquainted  with  all  the  passes 
and  difficulties,  as  any  troops  that  will  be  employed,  and 
therefore  may  answer  any  purpose  intended  by  them,  as 
well  as  any  other  body."  The  brief  note  to  Mrs.  Custis, 
one  of  the  very  few  to  his  wife  that  have  escaped  destruc 
tion,  gave  notice  of  the  march,  and  the  young  but  tried 
soldier  turned  to  master  the  difficulties  of  his  path. 

In  truth  there  were  serious  difficulties  to  be  encoun 
tered,  and  the  greatest  were  not  material  but  political. 
The  most  direct  route  to  Fort  Du  Quesne  from  Virginia 
was  along  the  road  built  by  the  ill-fated  Braddock,  and 
known  as  Braddock's  road.  It  was  the  only  road  fitted 
for  transportation  by  pack-horses,  and  was  for  this,  among 


ioo  George  Washington 

other  reasons,  strongly  urged  by  Washington.  Bouquet 
on  the  other  hand  favored  the  route  that  was  to  be  opened 
from  Rays  Town,  although  much  time  would  be  occupied 
in  making  it  passable,  and  much  injury  done  to  the 
horses.  The  mere  proposition  to  adopt  that  course  filled 
Washington  with  dismay.  The  season  was  already  far 
advanced,  and  no  time  could  be  needlessly  wasted  with 
out  being  severely  felt  during  the  late  operations. 
"  Backwardness  appears  in  all  things,"  he  wrote  in  a  de 
sponding  mood,  "  but  the  approach  of  winter — that  joggs 
on  apace."  Some  time  in  July  Bouquet  and  Washington 
came  together,  and  exchanged  opinions  on  this  impor 
tant  question.  Neither  convinced  the  other  of  his  error, 
and  early  in  August  Washington  carefully  committed 
to  paper  the  reasons  for  his  belief  in  the  Braddock  road. 
When  the  trade  with  the  Indians  on  the  Ohio  first 
became  of  importance,  a  good  road  was  sought  by  Vir 
ginia  and  Pennsylvania.  The  Indians  themselves  were 
consulted,  and  masters  as  they  were  of  the  western 
country,  knowing  all  its  passes,  mountains,  and  streams, 
they  were  of  one  mind  in  preferring  the  track  from  Will's 
Creek  above  all  others.  To  such  an  extent  was  this 
opinion  verified  by  experience  that  even  the  Pennsylva- 
nians  traded  by  this  route,  though  apparently  so  far  out 
of  a  direct  road.  When  the  Ohio  company  established 
its  station  on  Will's  Creek,  a  road  was  opened,  and  Wash 
ington  used  it  in  1 754  when  going  to  Gist's  plantation, 
just  before  the  affair  of  Fort  Necessity.  Under  Brad- 
dock  it  was  widened  and  completed  within  six  miles  of 
the  French  fort.  It  had  thus  stood  the  test  of  service 
and  was  presumably  in  a  better  condition  for  use  than 
any  new  road  that  could  be  built.  The  one  objection 


Fort  Du  Quesne  101 

that  could  be  urged  against  it  was  the  waters  to  be 
passed  ;  but  Washington  was  able  to  speak  of  his  own 
experience,  and  characterized  the  objection  as  trivial, 
and  really  not  worth  mentioning.  The  Monongahela, 
the  largest  of  the  rivers,  could  be  avoided,  if  necessary, 
by  passing  a  defile.  In  distance,  there  was  a  little  ad 
vantage  with  the  Rays  Town  route,  but  this  was  not  to 
be  considered  when  the  respective  conditions  of  the  two 
roads  were  compared,  as  that  of  Braddock's  was  far  bet 
ter.  Forage  too  was  more  certain  on  the  Meadows  than 
elsewhere,  and  this  was  a  most  important  consideration, 
as  all  transport  was  by  horses,  and  was  difficult  under 
any  conditions. 

The  plan  of  Washington  involved  quick  advance 
along  the  road,  and  the  stealing  a  march  on  the  fort — if 
that  were  possible.  In  thirty-four  days  from  the  time 
of  leaving  Fort  Cumberland,  the  advanced  body  of  troops 
would  be  investing  Du  Quesne,  and  there  would  be  am 
ple  provision  in  suitable  places  of  deposit  along  the  route, 
to  give  every  support  and  assistance,  or  to  give  a  shelter 
in  case  of  disaster.  Could  a  rapid  march  be  made  an 
engagement  in  the  woods  might  be  obviated,  and  that 
was  above  all  things  to  be  avoided.  By  way  of  Rays 
Town  no  dash  could  be  made,  no  surprise  could  be  pos 
sible.  Every  inch  of  road  would  have  to  be  cut,  and 
winter  would  find  them  still  far  from  their  object.  De 
lays  would  cripple  the  southern  colonies,  for  they  had 
staked  all  on  the  present  campaign,  and  would  be  too 
exhausted  to  repeat  their  efforts  another  year.  The 
southern  Indians  would  be  alienated  and  turn  against 
the  inhabitants  of  the  Carolinas.  Smallpox  was  already 
appearing  among  the  troops,  and  the  thought  of  making 


102  George  Washington 

a  new  road  of  one  hundred  miles,  over  mountains  almost 
inaccessible,  seemed  to  stamp  the  expedition  with  failure. 
Back  of  this  question  of  the  road  was  not  a  little  pol 
itics.  Loudoun  had  received  from  Pennsylvania  so  flat 
tering  a  picture  of  the  advantages  of  its  own  position 
as  to  induce  him  to  favor  an  advance  by  that  province, 
should  one  be  ordered.  Sir  John  St.  Clair  was  the  one 
directly  responsible  for  the  new  road,  which  was  no 
longer  than  the  old,  and  was  certainly  easier.  There  is 
no  evidence  of  any  undue  influence  in  determining  this 
question,  though  it  is  certain  the  passage  of  an  army, 
with  its  stores  and  equipments,  would  greatly  benefit  the 
colony  through  which  the  passage  was  made ;  and  the 
road,  widened  and  improved  by  use,  would  become  a 
very  important  channel  for  settling  the  western  lands 
and  opening  the  trade  with  the  Indians.  In  urging  his 
objections  to  the  Pennsylvania  route,  Washington  was 
doing  an  act  grateful  to  Virginia,  and  felt  that  his  colony 
would  support  him.  Pennsylvania  was  as  urgent  on  the 
other  side,  and  could  make  out  quite  as  good  a  case  in 
its  own  favor.  General  Forbes  decided  in  favor  of  Penn 
sylvania,  and  Washington  said  he  would  obey  orders, 
though  still  yielding  in  no  respect  his  opinion  that  a 
grievous  error  had  been  committed.  So  free  was  he  in 
expressing  his  views  as  to  draw  down  upon  him  some 
displeasure  from  above.  Armstrong,  who  was  in  the 
Pennsylvania  interest,  noticed  that  Washington  had  been 
"  a  good  deal  sanguine  and  obstinate  upon  the  occasion," 
and  was  chagrined  at  the  outcome.  General  Forbes,  a 
little  offended  by  the  pertinacity  of  the  Virginian,  wrote 
to  Bouquet  telling  him  to  consult  with  Washington, 
"  though  perhaps  not  follow  his  advice,  as  his  behavior 


Fort  Du  Quesne  103 

about  the  roads  was  no  ways  like  a  soldier."  And  at  a 
late  day  Bouquet  believed  that  had  the  Braddock  road 
been  taken,  as  Washington  wished,  the  expedition  would 
have  been  doomed — a  belief  based  upon  the  success  the 
delay  afforded  in  weaning  the  Indian  allies  of  the  French 
from  their  hostility,  and  securing  their  passive  conduct 
until  the  fort  had  fallen. 

Thus  Washington  set  aside  his  ambition  to  lead  an 
advance  party  against  Du  Quesne,  and  turned  his  ener 
gies  to  road  making  and  bridge  building.  The  apathy 
of  the  French  surprised  him,  and  awakened  suspicion. 
No  intelligence  could  be  gained  of  their  movements,  not 
a  prisoner  could  be  had  to  give  this  information.  Studied 
efforts  were  made  to  deceive  the  enemy  by  sending  out 
advance  parties,  now  along  Braddock's  road,  and  now 
beyond  the  new  route,  but  few  discoveries  of  the  enemy 
were  made.  In  one  case  the  observer  was  within  two 
miles  of  the  fort,  but  could  learn  nothing.  Sickness 
increased,  and  Washington  became  more  dispirited  and 
impatient  each  day.  In  one  of  his  despondent  moods  he 
wrote  to  John  Robinson  :  "  That  appearance  of  glory, 
which  we  had  once  in  view,  that  hope,  that  laudable  am 
bition  of  serving  our  country,  and  meriting  its  applause, 
are  now  no  more  ;  but  dwindled  into  ease,  sloth,  and 
fatal  inactivity.  In  a  word,  all  is  lost,  if  the  ways  of 
men  in  power,  like  (certain)  ways  of  Providence,  are  not 
inscrutable."  He  hinted  that  his  leaders  were  under  bad 
influences,  and  wished  a  full  representation  to  be  made 
to  his  Majesty.  "  Let  him  know  how  grossly  his  glory 
and  interest,  and  the-  public  money,  have  been  prosti 
tuted.  I  wish  I  were  sent  immediately  home  [i.e.,  Eng 
land],  as  an  aid  to  some  other  on  this  errand.  I  think, 


104  George  Washington 

without  vanity,  I  could  set  the  conduct  of  this  expedition 
in  its  true  colors." 

By  the  first  of  September  the  road  had  reached  the 
foot  of  Laurel  Hill,  or  about  thirty-five  miles  from  the 
starting-point,  and  a  body  of  troops  had  been  sent  for 
ward  to  Loyal  Hanna,  about  ten  miles  in  advance,  where 
a  fort  and  place  of  deposit  were  to  be  built.  The  most 
difficult  part  of  the  road  was  yet  to  come,  that  crossing 
the  mountains  and  lying  within  the  enemy's  territory. 
The  frosts  would  soon  be  due,  and  the  herbage  on  the 
line  of  march  be  destroyed,  preventing  the  use  of  horses 
unless  forage  was  transported  from  Carlyle,  a  very  costly 
operation.  General  Forbes  was  known  to  be  a  sick  man, 
and  seemed  not  to  be  active  in  his  command.  Nearly  a 
month  passed  without  incident,  when  Major  Grant,  of 
the  Highland  battalion,  with  a  detachment  of  eight  hun 
dred  men,  pushed  on  towards  Du  Quesne,  rashly  went 
too  near,  invited  an  engagement,  and  met  a  crushing 
defeat.  The  Virginia  regiment  had  supplied  a  part  of 
the  force,  and  distinguished  itself  by  its  bravery,  losing, 
as  was  supposed,  its  commanding  officer,  Major  Andrew 
Lewis,  and  many  men.  Washington  was  publicly  com 
plimented  by  the  General  on  the  behavior  of  these 
troops,  but  this  could  not  solace  him  for  the  sad  stroke 
upon  the  regiment  and  the  presage  of  misfortune  it 
aroused.  The  end  to  be  obtained  by  Grant's  advance 
was  not  known,  could  not  be  rationally  explained,  and 
was  strongly  opposed  by  the  Major  Lewis  whose  life  was 
believed  to  have  been  sacrificed.  "  Who  is  there,"  mor 
alizes  Washington,  "that  does  not  rather  envy  than 
regret  a  death  that  gives  birth  to  honor  and  glorious 
memory."  It  was  soon  learned  that  Grant,  Lewis,  and 


Fort  Du  Quesne  105 

the  other  officers  had  been  taken  prisoners  and  sent  to 
Montreal. 

This  check  and  the  lateness  of  the  season  demon 
strated  the  necessity  for  a  more  rapid  advance,  if  the 
fort  was  really  to  be  reached  before  winter.  About  the 
middle  of  October  Raystown  was  left  behind  by  the  main 
body,  and  one  month  later,  the  advanced  post  of  Loyal 
Hanna  was  also  in  the  rear  of  the  marching  troops. 
To  facilitate  progress  the  army  was  divided  into  three 
columns,  each  one  commanded  by  a  brigadier  —  colo 
nels  acting  as  such.  This  division  enabled  them  to 
march  in  shorter  lines  and  to  form  more  expeditiously 
should  the  enemy  be  met.  To  Washington  was  as 
signed  the  right  wing,  composed  of  the  first  Virginia 
regiment,  two  companies  of  artificers,  and  men  from 
the  neighboring  colonies  of  Maryland  and  North  Caro 
lina.  Every  precaution  was  taken  against  surprise. 
Flanking  parties  comprising  the  best  riflemen  were 
sent  out  on  either  flank ;  light  horse  reconnoitred  the 
ground  as  they  advanced ;  strong  parties  were  each 
night  sent  in  every  direction,  and  a  rearguard  of  some 
weight  was  ordered.  Even  under  this  arrangement 
the  advance  was  slow,  and  at  the  end  of  a  day's 
labors  it  was  fortunate  if  six  or  seven  miles  had  been 
accomplished. 

The  General  on  reaching  Loyal  Hanna  had  called 
a  council  of  war,  at  which  the  prospects  of  success  were 
drawn  in  so  low  colors  as  to  convince  him  that  it  would 
be  inadvisable  to  advance  farther.  Had  such  a  deter 
mination  been  accepted,  nothing  could  have  held  the 
provincial  forces  together,  the  service  of  many  expiring 
in  December  ;  nothing  could  have  restrained  the  Indians 


io6  George  Washington 

from  open  hostility  against  the  English  ;  nothing  could 
have  induced  the  colonies  to  again  mortgage  their 
resources  to  renew  the  contest  for  the  western  territory- 
A  little  incident  changed  the  solemn  opinion  of  the 
officers.  Three  prisoners  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
English,  and  from  them  was  learned  the  utter  weakness 
of  the  garrison  at  Du  Quesne.  At  once  all  was  changed 
from  lethargy  into  action.  The  men,  encouraged  by 
the  certainty  of  success,  were  in  high  spirits  and  anxious 
to  press  forward.  On  November  i8th  Washington  was 
still  thirty  miles  from  the  fort,  and  still  moving  with 
great  caution,  still  fortifying  his  camps.  On  the  24th, 
when  yet  one  day's  march  from  the  end,  it  was  learned 
that  the  French  had  burned  the  fort,  and  gone  down 
the  Ohio  in  boats,  to  the  number  of  five  hundred.  On 
the  next  day  the  English  occupied  the  ground  the  fort 
had  occupied,  and  thus  the  object  of  four  years'  anxious 
effort  was  at  last  accomplished. 

The  Virginia  regiment  had  seen  hard  service  and 
was  in  need  not  only  of  rest,  but  of  the  very  necessaries 
of  comfort  and  decency.  Washington  proposed  to  march 
them  to  Winchester,  and  to  proceed  himself  to  Wil- 
liamsburg,  that  he  might  render  to  the  Governor  a  full 
account  of  the  incidents  of  the  campaign.  The  neces 
sity  of  leaving  a  garrison  at  Du  Quesne,  and  the  diffi 
culty  of  obtaining  horses,  detained  him  for  some  time, 
and  he  gave  much  thought  to  securing  for  his  colony 
the  very  positive  advantages  that  must  result  from  the 
full  occupation  of  the  Ohio  country.  That  a  change  of 
system  should  be  introduced  was  not  to  be  questioned  ; 
but  the  form  the  new  plan  should  assume  was  in  doubt. 
In  the  desire  to  obtain  trade,  methods  had  been  adopted 


Fort  Du  Quesne  107 

that  would  not  bear  scrutiny,  and  men  were  engaged 
who  were  more  dangerous  to  the  safety  of  the  country 
than  any  open  foe.  In  1751  Franklin  had  advocated 
the  establishment  of  public  trading  houses,  which  would 
have  a  good  effect  towards  regulating  private  trade  and 
preventing  the  impositions  of  the  private  traders.  Quar 
rels  had  often  arisen  between  the  colonies  and  the 
natives  through  the  ill  conduct  of  the  licensed  traders. 
They  cheated  the  Indians  when  purchasing  their  lands  ; 
they  cheated  them  when  purchasing  the  one  article  the 
Indian  had  to  sell  —  furs;  and  they  made  them  drunk 
to  have  them  more  at  their  mercy.  Certain  colonies 
were  so  interested  in  securing  to  themselves  the  profits 
of  the  fur  trade,  that  they  refused  to  come  into  any 
arrangement  for  a  general  regulation. 

Virginia  had  suffered  through  the  laxity  of  this  class 
of  traders,  to  whom  Indian  relations  had  largely  been 
left,  and  Washington  in  his  experience  had  seen  enough 
to  be  convinced  that  only  trouble  and  long  hostility 
could  attend  a  continuance  of  the  old  system.  "  A  trade 
with  the  Indians  should  be  upon  such  terms,  and  trans 
acted  by  men  of  such  principles,  as  would  at  the  same 
time  turn  out  to  the  reciprocal  advantage  of  the  colony 
and  the  Indians,  and  which  would  effectually  remove 
those  bad  impressions,  that  the  Indians  received  from 
the  conduct  of  a  set  of  rascally  fellows,  divested  of  all 
faith  and  honor."  He  would  have  commissioners  ap 
pointed  from  each  colony  to  regulate  this  matter,  a 
suggestion  that  bore  fruit  many  years  later. 

With  the  close  of  the  campaign  Washington  deter 
mined  to  resign  his  commission.  The  regiment  was 
much  concerned  to  learn  of  his  intention,  and  gave 


io8  George  Washington 

fitting  expression  to  its  regret  at  losing  him  as  its  com 
mander.  With  nearly  four  years  of  military  life  he  was 
satisfied  to  retire,  the  more  readily  as  he  had  expressly 
cut  away  any  expectation  of  seeking  or  obtaining  rank 
in  the  regular  establishment.  The  trial  of  patience,  the 
schooling  in  detail,  and  the  knowledge  gained  in  the  man 
agement  of  troops,  were  to  be  of  greater  service  to  him 
than  any  training  he  could  have  acquired  in  the  King's 
army.  The  Burgesses,  when  he  first  took  his  place 
among  them,  gave  him  public  thanks,  which  carried 
with  them  so  much  embarrassment  that  he  could  make 
no  reply.  To  have  won  the  good  will  of  the  colony,  of 
his  regiment,  and  the  friendship  of  many  in  power,  was 
grateful  to  him,  and  a  reward  beyond  any  asking. 

On  January  6,  1759,  he  was  married  to  Martha  Cus- 
tis,  it  is  believed  in  her  own  home,  the  White  House. 
A  Mr.  Mossom  performed  the  ceremony,  known  only 
for  this  one  act.  The  early  assembling  of  the  Burgesses 
at  Williamsburg  made  the  attendance  of  Washington  in 
that  body  necessary.  What  social  life  existed  in  the 
colony,  apart  from  mere  visits,  centred  in  the  capital. 
There  is  danger  of  exaggerating  the  importance  of 
these  meetings,  for  the  remains  now  to  be  found  in  this 
town,  and  the  established  recollection  of  what  was  once 
there  but  now  decayed  or  destroyed,  hardly  bear  out 
the  traditions.  The  governor  naturally  drew  around 
him  the  best  of  the  province,  but  this  best  was  deter 
mined  by  its  subserviency  to  his  master's  wishes.  The 
Council  was  appointed  by  the  King  on  the  recommenda 
tion  of  the  governor ;  and  most  of  the  important  execu 
tive  offices  were  held  nominally  by  appointment,  really 
by  favoritism  or  by  purchase.  That  the  members  of 


Fort  Du  Quesne  109 

the  Council  were  men  of.  influence  need  hardly  be 
doubted  ;  that  they,  and  the  officers  of  the  colony,  were 
men  reputed  to  be  wealthy  is  as  little  open  to  question. 
None  the  less  they  used  their  places  to  protect  or  ad 
vance  their  own  interests,  fully  conscious  that  the  wel 
fare  of  the  state  rested  upon  their  welfare,  and  in  serving 
themselves  they  were  subserving  the  interests  of  the 
province.  The  sessions  of  the  Burgesses  called  together 
the  representatives  of  the  counties  and  the  members  of 
the  Council.  The  distinction  between  the  two  bodies 
was  often  lost,  for  the  difference  in  the  lower  House 
between  the  members  from  the  western  counties  and 
the  eastern  and  southern  representatives  was  greater 
than  any  that  could  arise  between  the  Council  and  the 
Burgesses. 

At  Williamsburg,  during  the  session,  the  social  life 
centred,  but  it  was  very  far  from  being  a  court.  True, 
the  governor's  house  was  termed  the  "  palace,"  and  the 
ball  given  by  the  governor  was  a  regular  feature  of  each 
meeting  of  the  legislature.  A  similar  ball  was  given  by 
the  Council  and  by  the  Burgesses.  Apart  from  that, 
the  dinner  formed  the  most  general  form  of  entertain 
ment,  and  even  with  that  to  be  enjoyed,  it  is  curious  to 
see  how  many  times  during  the  session  Washington 
dined  at  the  club,  and  spent  the  evening  in  his  room. 
The  treasurer,  the  speaker,  and  the  attorney-general 
might  exercise  official  hospitality  ;  all  the  entertainments 
given  did  not  begin  to  consume  the  time  of  a  session. 
The  pictures  of  gayety  during  a  session  of  the  Burgesses 
have  been  too  highly  colored  to  be  true  to  the  facts.  A 
man  like  Washington,  who  had  reputation  as  a  soldier, 
and  was  winning  the  confidence  of  his  colleagues  in  the 


no 


George  Washington 


legislature,  would  have  shared  largely  in  the  social  ac 
tivity  of  the  place  ;  yet  his  diaries  contain  little  upon  it. 
Even  with  Mrs.  Washington  the  record  is  meagre,  and 
it  was  rather  on  the  plantation  than  at  Williamsburg 
that  the  true  social  life  of  Virginia  was  to  be  found. 


CHAPTER  VII 


THE    PLANTER 

ASH1NGTON,  at  the  time  of 
his  retirement  from  the  army, 
was  drawn  by  his  friend  and 
companion  in  arms,  George 
Mercer.  "  He  may  be  de 
scribed  as  being  as  straight  as 
an  Indian,  measuring  six  feet 
two  inches  in  his  stockings,  and  weighing  175  pounds 
when  he  took  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Burgesses  in 
1759.  His  frame  is  padded  with  well-developed  mus 
cles,  indicating  great  strength.  His  bones  and  joints 
are  large,  as  are  his  feet  and  hands.  He  is  wide  shoul 
dered,  but  has  not  a  deep  or  round  chest ;  is  neat 
waisted,  but  is  broad  across  the  hips,  and  has  rather 
long  legs  and  arms.  His  head  is  well  shaped  though 
not  large,  but  is  gracefully  poised  on  a  superb  neck.  A 
large  and  straight  rather  than  a  prominent  nose  ;  blue- 
gray  penetrating  eyes,  which  are  widely  separated  and 
overhung  by  a  heavy  brow.  His  face  is  long,  rather  than 
broad,  with  high  round  cheek  bones,  and  terminates  in  a 
good  firm  chin.  He  has  a  clear  though  rather  a  color 
less  pale  skin,  which  burns  with  the  sun.  A  pleasing, 


in 


1 1 2  George  Washington 

benevolent,  though  a  commanding  countenance,  dark 
brown  hair,  which  he  wears  in  a  cue.  His  mouth  is  large 
and  generally  firmly  closed,  but  which  from  time  to  time 
discloses  some  defective  teeth.  His  features  are  regular 
and  placid,  with  all  the  muscles  of  his  face  under  perfect 
control,  though  flexible  and  expressive  of  deep  feeling 
when  moved  by  emotions.  In  conversation  he  looks 
you  full  in  the  face,  is  deliberate,  deferential,  and  engag 
ing.  His  voice  is  agreeable  rather  than  strong.  His 
demeanor  at  all  times  composed  and  dignified.  His 
movements  and  gestures  are  graceful,  his  walk  majestic, 
and  he  is  a  splendid  horseman." 

Upon  returning  to  Mount  Vernon  and  giving  a  close 
attention  to  his  affairs,  he  found  them  not  only  in  great 
confusion  but  in  a  situation  which  promised  a  poor  sup 
port  for  his  now  increased  household.  Living  in  the 
manner  of  a  Virginia  planter  it  required  the  net  produce 
of  much  land  to  obtain  what  was  necessary  or  conve 
nient,  and  each  new  person  in  the  family  must  be  main 
tained  upon  the  same  scale.  What  had  been  sufficient 
for  his  own  wants  proved  inadequate  to  the  new  family. 
More  land  was  needed,  for  he  must  farm  on  a  larger 
scale  ;  and  to  cultivate  this  land  more  slaves  were  re 
quired,  as  free  labor  could  not  be  induced  to  come  into 
the  colony  for  service  in  numbers  demanded  by  the 
plantation  system.  To  secure  both  land  and  slaves 
ready  money  was  essential,  and  this  he  obtained  from 
his  wife's  estate,  being  entitled  to  one  third  of  her  prop 
erty,  and  by  a  decree  of  the  General  Court  being  in 
vested  with  the  care  of  the  other  two  thirds  in  behalf 
of  the  minor  children  of  Mrs.  Washington.  This  estate 
was  considerable,  and  among  other  assets  comprised 


The  Planter  113 

some  stock  of  the  Bank  of  England,  and  a  fund  of 
ready  money  in  London.  In  the  division  that  was 
made  Washington  received  nearly  all  this  fund,  "  since 
it  best  suits  my  purposes  to  have  money  that  can  be 
commanded,  than  money  at  interest." 

The  reason  for  this  was  his  desire  to  add  to  his  es 
tate,  and  by  preference  to  purchase  lands  adjoining 
what  he  already  owned.  In  pursuit  of  this  object  little 
touches  of  character  were  developed  in  his  business 
transactions.  One  of  his  neighbors,  Clifton  by  name, 
had  a  plot  of  land  of  which  Washington  sought  to  ob 
tain  possession.  An  offer  was  made,  and  accepted  on 
condition  that  the  necessary  consent  of  Clifton's  wife 
should  be  obtained,  she  being  concerned  by  right  of 
dower.  A  few  days  later  a  closer  agreement  was  made 
that  left  only  the  signing  of  the  papers  to  complete  the 
purchase,  when  Washington  was  surprised  to  learn  that 
Clifton  wished  to  be  free  of  the  contract  entirely. 
Pleading  the  want  of  his  wife's  consent,  this  neighbor 
behaved  in  such  a  manner  as  to  impress  Washington 
with  the  belief  that  he  was  a  "trifling  body,"  a  belief 
still  further  confirmed  when  it  was  discovered  that  he 
had  sold  this  land  to  another  person — Mason — "  which 
fully  unravelled  his  conduct,  and  convinced  me  that  he 
was  nothing  less  than  a  thorough  paced  rascal,  disre- 
gardful  of  any  engagements  of  words  or  oaths,  not 
bound  by  penalties."  But  Washington  wanted  the  land, 
and  arranged  to  meet  Clifton  at  the  next  court,  where 
he  had  much  discourse  with  him  on  his  ungenerous  be 
havior  and  ended  with  offering  more  for  the  land  than 
Mason  had  agreed  to  give.  Clifton  undertook  to  dis 
engage  himself  from  his  sale  to  Mason.  "  I  did  not 


ii4  George  Washington 

think  myself  restrained,"  Washington  noted  in  his  diary, 
"  by  any  rules  of  honor,  conscience,  or  &c.  after  making 
him  this  offer,  as  his  lands  were  first  engaged  from  me 
by  the  most  solemn  assurances  that  any  man  could 
give."  In  the  end  the  land  came  to  him,  but  the  whole 
transaction  proved  how  readily  contracts  were  made  and 
broken  by  a  needy  planter. 

Having  the  land,  it  could  be  cultivated  by  certain 
slaves  that  came  as  part  of  Mrs.  Washington's  dower, 
passing  by  will  as  readily  as  land  or  any  form  of  real 
property.  Not  having  a  sufficient  number,  he  purchased 
others,  and  this  involved  a  further  expenditure  for  huts, 
farm  buildings,  and  live-stock.  For  the  first  years  he 
was  obliged  to  buy  provisions  for  his  family  and  slaves, 
and  to  do  this  not  for  one  but  for  three  years.  It 
would  seem  as  if  large  holdings  of  land,  under  as  care 
ful  cultivation  as  was  known,  and  with  labor  that  was 
supposed  to  cost  only  its  bare  maintenance,  were  eco 
nomically  wasteful,  and  such  they  proved  to  be. 

However  good  the  quality  of  the  land  might  origi 
nally  have  been,  the  system  of  culture  was  ruinous.  To 
bacco  was  the  leading  commercial  product,  and  had 
long  been  the  only  crop  of  importance  in  the  colony's 
agriculture.  To  injure  the  tobacco  interest  of  Spain 
that  of  Virginia  was  encouraged,  and  under  Charles  II. 
a  monopoly  market  was  created  in  Great  Britain  for 
the  colonial  product  by  prohibiting  the  cultivation  of  the 
plant  in  England  and  Ireland.  Virginia,  just  before  the 
Revolution,  exported  to  England  ninety-six  thousand 
hogsheads  of  tobacco  a  year,  of  which  more  than 
eighty  thousand  were  sold  to  the  continent  of  Europe. 
Encouraged  by  natural  conditions  at  home,  and  by 


The  Planter  115 

the  enactments  of  Parliament  supposedly  in  its  favor, 
the  culture  of  tobacco  became  general,  until  it 
absorbed  the  best  lands,  the  best  energies  of  the 
planters,  and  determined  the  kind  and  quality  of  labor 
employed. 

The  planter  was  really  at  a  disadvantage.  He  was 
encouraged  to  exhaust  his  land  by  taking  from  it  crop 
after  crop  of  tobacco,  very  little  being  returned  to  the 
soil  in  the  shape  of  a  fertilizer.  He  was  assured  a  sale 
in  Great  Britain,  but  competition  determined  the  price, 
and  the  production  was  such  as  to  make  the  price  rule 
low,  except  in  years  when  the  partial  failure  of  the  crop 
gave  better  returns.  The  market  was  so  distant  that 
the  planter  was  practically  at  the  mercy  of  his  factor, 
who  usually  owned  the  vessel  in  which  the  leaf  was 
transported,  and  could  not  be  called  to  book  for  any 
claims  he  might  urge  in  defense  of  his  sales.  The  long 
voyage,  and  the  weakness  of  the  craft  in  which  it  was 
made,  often  led  to  serious  damage  of  the  tobacco,  and 
the  factor  in  Glasgow  or  London  made  the  most  of  such 
claims.  The  planter  was  obliged  to  wait  for  the  vessel, 
or  take  any  offer  of  freight,  and  on  occasions  the  hogs 
heads  were  rolled  overland  from  the  York  to  the  James 
River  to  catch  an  opportune  vessel  about  to  sail.  In 
1760  the  returns  obtained  for  the  sweet-scented  leaf, 
neatly  packed  and  sent  to  London,  were  so  disappointing, 
that  Washington  sold  in  Virginia  what  remained  of  his 
crop,  obtaining  better  prices  than  had  he  exported.  Two 
years  later  he  enters  into  a  study  of  the  best  methods 
of  growing  the  leaf,  of  preparing  it  for  the  market,  and 
shipping  it  in  form.  Not  only  was  there  advantage  in 
the  quality  of  tobacco,  but  some  could  be  stemmed  with 


n6  George  Washington 

gain.  As  a  steady  crop,  it  was  doubtful  if  tobacco  was 
a  good  one,  however  available  it  was  for  making  remit 
tances  to  Great  Britain  in  a  fair  year.  In  1762  one  of 
the  most  severe  droughts  ever  known  set  in  and  de 
stroyed  the  plants. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  the  planters  were  begin 
ning  to  realize  that  tobacco  was  not  so  reliable  or  profit 
able  a  crop  in  the  long  run  as  they  had  been  led  to 
believe.  Adam  Smith  says  that  no  one  spoke  of  the 
immense  wealth  of  the  tobacco  planters.  "  I  have  never 
even  heard  of  any  tobacco  plantation  that  was  improved 
and  cultivated  by  the  capital  of  merchants  who  resided 
in  Great  Britain,  and  our  tobacco  colonies  send  us  home 
no  such  wealthy  planters  as  we  see  frequently  arrive 
from  our  sugar  islands."  A  series  of  years  in  which  the 
price  had  been  very  unsatisfactory  was  followed  by  a 
rapid  decline  in  the  production  and  export.  Jefferson 
believed  a  change  in  the  climate  of  the  colony  was  a  par 
tial  explanation  of  this  tendency,  but  the  other  condi 
tions  present  and  active  were  sufficient  fully  to  explain 
the  matter.  The  lands  were  losing  heart,  and  the  use 
of  fertilizers  could  not  be  justified  at  the  current  prices 
of  tobacco.  The  western  lands  were  beginning  to  grow 
the  plant,  and  favored  by  virgin  soils  they  could  compete 
successfully,  and  were  forcing  the  older  planting  regions 
to  abandon  the  culture.  Jefferson  saw  only  benefit  in 
such  a  course.  "  It  is  a  culture  productive  of  infinite 
wretchedness.  Those  employed  in  it  are  in  a  continual 
state  of  exertion  beyond  the  power  of  nature  to  support. 
Little  food  of  any  kind  is  raised  by  them ;  so  that  the 
men  and  animals  on  these  farms  are  illy  fed,  and  the  earth 
is  rapidly  impoverished." 


The  Planter  117 

Washington  was  passing  through  this  costly  experi 
ence.  In  1765  he  was  much  displeased  with  the  sales 
of  his  sweet-scented  tobacco,  for  his  agent  had  given 
him  prices  lower  than  those  obtained  by  his  neighbors 
for  their  product,  and  nearly  as  low  as  those  given  for 
light  rent  tobaccos  of  the  meanest  quality.  Well  aware 
of  the  steady  fall  in  the  price  of  tobacco  for  some  years, 
he  had  a  natural  pride  in  the  product  of  his  fields.  "  I 
am  not  so  extravagant  as  to  believe,  that  my  own  and 
Master  Custis's  crops  should  fetch  their  usual  prices, 
when  other  good  tobacco  met  with  abatements.  But  I 
am  really  selfish  enough  to  expect,  that  we  ought  to  come 
in  for  a  part  of  good  prices  that  are  going,  from  a  belief 
that  our  tobacco  is  of  a  quality  not  so  much  inferior  to 
some,  that  still  sells  well."  The  colony  was  passing 
through  a  period  of  depression,  and  many  estates,  once 
very  profitable  to  their  owners,  were  for  sale,  and  the 
impoverished  families  were  retiring  to  the  back  country. 

Close  student  as  he  was  of  agriculture,  and  a  careful 
manager  of  his  lands,  Washington  early  felt  the  un 
profitable  dependence  placed  in  a  single  crop,  like  to 
bacco,  and  determined  to  abandon  its  culture  even  as 
a  means  of  remittance  abroad.  The  uncertainty  of 
even  fair  returns  from  that  quarter,  and  the  rising  de 
mand  for  grain  in  the  West  India  islands,  turned  his 
experiments  in  a  new  direction.  By  1768  he  could 
say  that  he  had  discontinued  the  growth  of  tobacco  for 
his  own  account,  except  at  a  plantation  or  two  upon 
the  York  River,  and  made  barely  enough  of  the  leaf  to 
furnish  him  with  goods  from  England.  In  that  year 
he  experienced  another  disappointment  in  the  prices 
obtained  for  his  crop,  and  served  notice  on  his  London 


n8  George  Washington 

correspondent  that  it  was  "  almost  enough  to  bring 
about  a  change  in  the  system  of  my  management."  So 
radical  a  change  would  require  years  of  slow  modifica 
tion  of  existing  methods,  and  a  new  distribution  of  lands 
and  labor.  While  mention  of  the  prices  of  wheat, 
flour,  and  corn  become  more  frequent  in  his  correspond 
ence,  and  greater  attention  was  paid  to  mills  and  mill 
sites,  the  change  was  not  completed  before  the  differ 
ence  with  Great  Britain,  and  the  interruption  of  trade 
with  all  foreign  countries,  checked  in  a  great  measure 
the  development  of  his  plans.  That  he  was  in  advance 
of  his  generation  in  both  the  questions  of  culture  and 
labor  arose  from  his  minute  and  painstaking  study  of 
every  detail  of  his  plantation  interests.  His  mere  notes 
on  farming  and  the  results  of  his  own  carefully  planned 
experiments  bear  testimony  to  his  industry  and  really 
high  business  ability.  When  his  own  account  of  the 
methods  of  culture  in  Virginia  is  read,  the  wonder  is 
that  it  could  be  preserved  through  so  many  years.  "  The 
general  custom  has  been,  first  to  raise  a  crop  of  Indian 
corn  (maize),  which  according  to  the  mode  of  cultiva 
tion  is  a  good  preparation  for  wheat ;  then  a  crop  of 
wheat ;  after  which  the  ground  is  respited  (except  from 
weeds,  and  every  kind  of  trash  that  can  contribute  to 
its  foulness)  for  about  eighteen  months ;  and  so  on  al 
ternately,  without  any  dressing,  till  the  land  is  ex 
hausted,  when  it  is  turned  out,  without  being  sown 
with  grass-seed,  or  any  method  taken  to  restore  it ;  and 
another  piece  is  ruined  in  the  same  manner." 

In  another  direction  he  was  not  so  successful  a 
manager,  but  only  because  conditions  were  opposed  to 
any  economy.  In  assuring  a  market  for  the  tobacco  of 


The  Planter  119 

the  colonies  it  was  demanded  that  the  planters  should 
make  all  their  purchases  in  Great  Britain.  As  Virginia 
had  no  manufactories  of  her  own,  and  raised  none  of 
the  raw  materials  of  manufacture,  everything  used  on 
the  farms  in  the  way  of  manufactured  articles  came 
from  abroad,  and  almost  entirely  from  England.  At 
regular  intervals  an  order  for  goods  would  be  sent  to 
the  London  agent,  and  after  some  months'  delay,  the 
articles  would  come  out  in  a  vessel,  in  a  more  or  less 
good  condition,  usually  damaged  from  the  start.  It 
was  difficult  to  exercise  a  proper  control  over  the  selec 
tion  of  the  goods,  and  the  agent  was  content  with  what 
was  sent  to  him  by  the  maker.  In  so  large  a  range  of 
needs,  from  clothes  and  jewelry  to  farm  utensils  and 
negro  clothes,  one  would  have  to  be  an  expert  indeed 
to  pass  upon  their  merits.  The  grade  of  goods  known 
as  "  colonials  "  was  of  secondary  quality,  but  was  shipped 
freely,  as  the  distance  made  protest  difficult  and  a  return 
of  the  goods  costly  and  most  inconvenient.  Rather  than 
be  obliged  to  seek  for  a  vessel  by  which  to  send  back 
faulty  commodities,  the  planter  would  retain  the  goods 
and  expend  his  indignation  in  protests  and  threats  of  a 
change  of  custom.  Secure  in  his  monopoly,  the  manu 
facturer  saw  no  reason  for  changing  his  system  ;  usually 
a  creditor  of  the  colonist  and  therefore  certain  of  his 
custom,  the  agent  need  only  promise  improvement,  and 
quiet  complaints  for  the  time  being  ;  and  the  shipmaster 
could  plead  the  risks  of  his  calling  and  the  almost  cer 
tainty  of  damage  in  a  long  voyage,  to  escape  a  censure 
that  might  be  directed  against  him. 

However  specific  the  directions  might  be,  much  was 
left  to  the  discretion  of  the  London  factor.    Washington 


i2o  George  Washington 

wished  Gary  to  obtain  blue  or  blue  and  white  cur 
tains  to  suit  a  room  with  Ireland  paper,  with  coverings 
of  the  same  color  for  a  set  of  furniture,  "  in  order  to 
make  the  whole  furniture  of  this  room  uniformly  hand 
some  and  genteel" ;  a  suit  of  the  "  finest  cloth  and  most 
fashionable  color  "  ;  gloves,  "  rather  large  than  the  mid 
dle  size  "  ;  busts  of  prominent  soldiers,  among  them  be 
ing  the  King  of  Prussia,  at  this  time  in  favor  with  the 
English,  but  soon  to  be  in  opposition  ;  and  "  sundry 
small  ornaments  for  chimney-piece."  There  was  hardly 
an  article  of  use  or  wear  that  did  not  enter  into  the  in 
voices,  and  the  agent  was  thrown  upon  his  own  taste 
and  enterprise  to  fulfil  the  conditions.  Great  care  was 
demanded  to  avoid  blunders,  and  the  most  strenuous 
vigilance  to  escape  imposition.  How  infrequently  the 
results  were  entirely  satisfactory  to  the  Virginian  the 
letter  books  of  the  agent  would  prove.  The  formula 
used  by  Washington,  whose  orders  were  large  and  of 
some  moment  to  the  correspondent,  could  not  secure 
freedom  from  disappointment.  "  I  flatter  myself,"  he 
wrote,  "that  particular  care  will  be  taken  in  choosing 
them,  the  want  of  which  gives  some  tradesmen  an  op 
portunity  of  imposing  upon  us  most  vilely."  "  Let  me 
beseech  you,  Gentlemen,"  he  said  after  some  years  of 
trying  experiences,  "  to  give  the  necessary  directions  for 
purchasing  of  them  upon  the  best  terms.  It  is  needless 
for  me  to  particularise  the  sorts,  quality,  or  taste  I 
would  choose  to  have  them  in,  unless  it  is  observed. 
And  you  may  believe  me  when  I  tell  you  that,  instead 
of  getting  things  good  and  fashionable  in  their  several 
kinds,  we  often  have  articles  sent  us  that  could  only 
have  been  used  by  our  forefathers  in  the  days  of  yore. 


The  Planter  121 

'T  is  a  custom,  I  have  some  reason  to  believe  with  many 
shopkeepers  and  tradesmen  in  London,  when  they  know 
goods  are  bespoke  for  exportation,  to  palm  sometimes 
old,  and  sometimes  very  slight  and  indifferent  goods 
upon  us,  taking  care  at  the  same  time  to  advance  10, 
15  or  perhaps  20  per  cent,  upon  them." 

Instances  of  such  practices  were  many,  and  annoying 
to  a  man  rather  particular  about  the  settings  of  his 
house.  More  than  once  he  lost  patience  and  gave 
forcible  expression  to  his  displeasure.  "  And  here  I 
cannot  forbear  ushering  in  a  complaint  of  the  exorbitant 
prices  of  my  goods  this  year.  For  many  years  I  have 
imported  goods  from  London  as  well  as  other  ports  of 
Britain,  and  can  truly  say  I  never  had  such  a  penny 
worth  before.  .  .  .  Let  it  suffice  to  say  that  wool 
ens,  linens,  nails,  &c.,  are  mean  in  quality,  but  not  in 
price,  for  in  this  they  excel  indeed,  far  above  any  I  have 
ever  had."  The  window  glass  ordered  for  his  house 
came  of  a  size  other  than  he  had  directed,  an  inatten 
tion  that  caused  much  inconvenience.  A  package  of 
Duffield,  a  coarse  woollen  cloth,  was  found  upon  arrival 
to  be  "  eaten  to  a  honeycomb  by  moth."  These  were 
slight  mischances  by  the  side  of  his  efforts  to  obtain  a 
chariot,  on  the  design  of  which  he  had  expended  much 
thought.  It  was  a  very  necessary  article  in  colonial 
Virginia,  and  readily  lent  itself  to  decoration  and  even 
pompous  glitter  according  to  the  whim  of  the  owner. 
To  attend  a  session  of  the  Burgesses  at  Williamsburg 
in  any  but  a  handsome  coach,  would  have  been  noted 
with  social  disfavor. 

In  1768,  Washington  ordered  from  London  a  chariot, 
to  be  made  in  the  newest  taste,  handsome,  genteel,  and 


122  George  Washington 

light,  of  the  best  and  fully  seasoned  wood,  and  by  a 
celebrated  workman.  As  green  was  a  color  little  apt 
to  fade,  and  was  further  grateful  to  the  eye,  it  might  be 
used  on  the  body,  unless  some  other  color  of  equal  last 
ing  quality  should  be  more  in  vogue.  "In  that  case  I 
would  be  governed  by  fashion.  A  light  gilding  on  the 
mouldings  (that  is,  round  the  panels)  and  any  other 
ornaments,  that  may  not  have  a  heavy  and  tawdry  look 
(together  with  my  arms  agreeable  to  the  impression 
here  sent)  might  be  added,  by  way  of  decoration." 
Some  months  later  the  coach  was  shipped  from  London, 
with  a  full  account  from  its  maker  of  its  many  notice 
able  features,  and  with  a  warrant  of  being  of  the  high 
est  workmanship.  The  facts  did  not  correspond  to  the 
glowing  description,  and  Washington  soon  had  good 
reason  to  complain  of  having  been  imposed  upon,  even 
after  making  some  allowances  for  a  difference  of  cli 
mate.  The  wood  proved  to  be  so  exceedingly  green 
instead  of  seasoned  that  the  panels  slipped  out  of  the 
mouldings  before  the  coach  had  been  two  months  in 
use,  and  splitting  from  end  to  end,  could  not  be  repaired. 
For  some  share  of  their  troubles  the  planters  had 
only  themselves  to  blame.  The  colony  had  issued  a 
paper  money  that  could  not  be  sent  abroad  in  settle 
ment  of  accounts,  and  by  its  depreciation  produced 
uncertainty  and  confusion  at  home.  The  London 
merchants,  touched  by  the  fluctuations  of  this  currency, 
sought  remedy  through  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  in  so 
doing  gave  occasion  to  some  ill  feeling  among  the  colo 
nists.  Debts  due  to  Washington  were  paid  in  these 
notes,  void  of  credit,  and  he  suffered  in  making  remit 
tances.  He  was  in  debt  to  his  correspondents  in 


The  Planter  123 

London,  and  unable  to  make  payments  faster  than  his 
crops  would  permit  —  a  very  uncertain  foundation  of 
credit,  for  nature  could  not  be  anticipated.  A  suggestion 
from  Gary  &  Company,  whose  constant  correspondent 
he  had  been  for  years,  to  pay  more  rapidly  was  met  by 
a  little  feeling  of  resentment,  certainly  excusable  in  a 
man  situated  as  he  was.  "  Reason  and  prudence  natu 
rally  dictate  to  every  man  of  common  sense  the  thing 
that  is  right ;  and  you  might  have  rested  assured,  that 
so  fast  as  I  could  make  remittances  without  distressing 
myself  too  much,  my  inclinations  would  have  prompted 
me  to  it ;  because,  in  the  first  place,  it  is  but  an  irksome 
thing  to  a  free  mind  to  be  any  ways  hampered  in  debt  ; 
and  in  the  next  place  I  think  I  have  discovered  no  in 
tentions  since  I  have  found  how  the  Ballance  was  likely 
to  turn,  of  increasing  that  debt  .  .  .  but  on  the 
contrary  all  the  willingness  I  could,  under  the  accidents 
that  have  happened,  of  decreasing  it  to  the  utmost  of 
my  power." 

Costly  as  was  this  commercial  dependence  upon  the 
mother  country,  it  found  no  compensation  at  home  in 
really  certain  and  profitable  cultures.  For  this  the 
labor  was  in  a  great  measure  responsible,  as  the  slave 
excluded  the  free  man  and  represented  a  low  degree  of 
efficiency.  Apart  from  his  first  cost,  not  great  by  itself, 
there  was  demanded  a  constant  attention  to  his  health 
and  comfort,  his  food,  clothing,  and  housing,  and  his 
care  when  sick  or  incapacitated.  The  negroes  repre 
sented  a  very  uncertain  form  of  property,  even  more 
hazardous  and  perishable  than  live-stock.  They  were 
peculiarly  subject  to  disease,  and  a  distemper  would 
sweep  them  off  more  readily  than  cattle  or  horses.  In 


124  George  Washington 

January,  1760,  Washington  noted  the  loss  of  four  of 
his  negroes,  one  of  whom  was  valued  at  ^50.  Ranking 
next  to  land  in  importance  in  the  economy  of  a  planta 
tion,  the  slaves  were  regarded  as  real  estate,  and  dis 
posed  of  by  will  just  as  the  land  and  plantation  buildings 
were  devised.  The  labor  outfit  of  a  large  planter  rep 
resented  a  handsome  sum,  and  in  1770  Washington 
counted  no  less  than  one  hundred  and  thirty-five  workers 
— slaves,  servants,  and  overseers — on  his  Fairfax  County 
property  alone. 

These  slaves  were  sometimes  purchased  of  a  newly 
arrived  "  Guinea  ship,"  but  the  more  usual  source  was 
from  the  West  Indies  or  the  breaking  up  of  a  neigh 
boring  plantation.  In  this  way  the  crudities  of  an 
African  would  have  been  worn  off,  and  he  would  be 
more  tractable  to  his  master.  An  unruly  slave  was  a 
dangerous  object,  and  unless  he  could  be  broken  by 
punishment,  often  severe,  would  be  shipped  out  of  the 
colony.  Washington  was  thus  troubled,  on  one  occa 
sion,  with  an  exceedingly  healthy  and  strong  black, 
good  at  the  hoe,  and  serviceable  as  foreman  of  a  gang. 
But  he  was  both  a  rogue  and  a  runaway,  and  so  he  was 
sent  on  board  of  a  vessel  bound  for  the  Indies,  to  be 
handcuffed  till  out  at  sea,  lest  he  should  escape.  Ar 
riving  at  his  destination,  he  was  to  be  exchanged  for 
rum,  wines,  old  spirits,  and  mixed  sweetmeats  —  articles 
of  more  utility  than  an  ungovernable  slave.  This  cus 
tom  of  sending  strong  negroes,  not  of  the  best  moral 
character,  to  the  West  Indies  prevailed  even  in  the 
northern  colonies. 

These  slaves  were  completely  at  the  will  of  their 
owners,  and  appear,  as  a  rule,  to  have  been  well  treated. 


The  Planter  125 

Instances  might  be  cited  of  cruelty,  of  unusual  punish 
ment  of  the  natural  indolence  of  the  black,  or  for  out 
bursts  of  their  animal  propensities.  The  country  was 
in  perpetual  fear  of  outbreaks  and  revolts,  and  few 
possibilities  were  regarded  with  greater  terror,  or  could 
inspire  more  intense  feeling.  Their  value  was  one 
reason  for  good  treatment.  A  planter  could  not  afford 
to  maltreat  them.  They  were  looked  upon  as  more 
useful  to  him  than  live-stock,  and  represented  a  higher 
money  value.  The  average  price  of  a  good  slave  was 
placed  by  Franklin  at  thirty  pounds  sterling.  His  esti 
mate  was  made  in  1751,  but  in  the  years  following  the 
price  increased,  due  to  a  growing  demand  and  a  dis 
couragement  to  the  slave  trade.  In  1754  Washington 
paid  £52  for  a  negro,  and  nearly  the  same  for  a  negro 
woman.  Two  years  later,  Governor  Dinwiddie  sold  him 
a  woman  and  child  for  £60.  In  the  year  of  his  marriage 
he  bought  quite  a  number,  paying  for  nine  an  average 
price  of  ^35.  Again,  in  1762,  he  made  additions  to  his 
holdings,  but  was  obliged  to  pay  ^"57  a  head,  and  in 
1764  the  price  had  still  further  advanced;  while  the 
troublous  period  following  the  stamp  act  reacted  upon 
the  price  of  slaves,  and  made  them  touch  extravagant 
rates.  So  that  a  property  in  seventy  or  eighty  slaves 
involved  quite  an  investment  of  capital. 

In  addition  to  the  slaves  proper  there  was  another 
and  better  trained  class  of  negroes,  who  were  either 
purchased  or  hired  for  a  limited  period.  They  were 
usually  skilled  in  some  following  like  mason  work,  car 
pentry,  or  wood  joinery,  and  commanded  good  rents  or 
hire, — as  much  as  £20  a  year,  with  all  costs  of  main 
tenance.  Such  cases  were  not  common,  though 


i26  George  Washington 

Washington  resorted  to  them  wherever  he  could.  A 
more  customary  manner  of  obtaining  this  more  intelli 
gent  labor  was  through  the  indentured  or  covenant  ser 
vant.  The  covenant  servant  agreed  to  serve  a  captain  of 
a  vessel  or  his  assigns  for  a  certain  number  of  years,  usu 
ally  five,  on  condition  of  being  taken  to  America.  The 
arrangement  was  thus  a  composition  for  the  passage, 
and,  on  arriving  in  one  of  the  colonies,  the  servant  was 
sold  for  the  time  covenanted  to  the  highest  bidder. 
For  that  space  of  time  he  became  the  possession  of  his 
buyer,  and,  as  the  prices  for  servants  were  not  extrava 
gant,  and  they  were  an  intelligent  class,  much  above 
the  negro,  they  readily  found  a  market  for  their  talents. 
The  practice  was  more  frequently  followed  in  Maryland 
than  in  Virginia,  and  just  before  the  defeat  of  Braddock, 
when  the  British  recruiting  officers  did  not  hesitate  to 
enlist  indentured  servants  for  the  ranks,  Governor  Sharpe 
made  a  strong  protest,  asserting  that  the  "  planters'  fort 
unes  here  consist  in  the  number  of  their  servants  (who 
are  purchased  at  high  rates),  much  as  the  estates  of  an 
English  farmer  do  in  the  multitude  of  cattle." 

In  1760  Washington  asked  his  friend  and  compan 
ion  in  arms,  Dr.  Craik,  to  engage  him  a  gardener  from 
the  regiment,  then  in  the  Ohio  valley ;  and  he  desired 
a  Pennsylvanian,  Dr.  Ross,  to  purchase  a  joiner,  a 
bricklayer,  and  a  gardener,  should  any  ship  of  servants 
enter  at  Philadelphia.  John  Askew,  a  joiner,  engaged  to 
serve  for  £25  a  year  and  maintenance,  and  to  instruct 
in  the  art  of  his  trade  any  negroes  Washington  should 
cause  to  work  with  him.  Free  labor  of  an  even  higher 
quality  was  hired  by  the  year.  In  1770  a  blacksmith 
received  £$2  a  year,  with  a  house  and  provisions  ;  in 


The  Planter  127 

1771  a  carpenter  was  engaged  for  ten  months,  to  re 
ceive  ^25,  a  house,  300  pounds  of  pork,  and  three- 
barrels  of  corn.  The  highest  wages  paid  were  given  to 
a  miller,  £80  a  year  and  some  plantation  produce,  pay 
that  shows  Washington's  sincerity  in  developing  a  mill 
ing  industry. 

Above  these  were  the  overseers,  who  were  responsi 
ble  for  the  due  performance  of  Washington's  directions, 
and  the  proper  and  full  employment  of  the  labor.  They 
were  bound  to  use  their  utmost  endeavors  to  make  a 
large  and  good  crop  of  tobacco,  corn,  or  whatever 
should  be  required  ;  to  take  all  necessary  and  proper 
care  of  the  negroes  and  stock  on  the  place ;  to  prepare 
the  tobacco  for  market,  so  that  it  should  pass  inspection 
with  credit ;  and  to  measure  out  the  corn  with  the  great 
est  frugality  to  the  farm  hands  and  horses.  Their  duties 
were  many  and  required  discretion  and  vast  patience,  as 
the  instruments  at  their  disposal  were  not  always  fit  for 
the  objects  to  be  attained.  The  negroes  required 
watching  that  they  should  not  visit  without  the  consent  of 
the  overseer,  or  entertain  strange  negroes. 

In  spite  of  the  great  care  exercised  by  Washington 
in  selecting  his  labor,  he  met  with  many  disappoint 
ments.  The  overseers  were  neglectful  of  their  duties, 
maltreated  the  slaves,  permitted  them  to  frequent  the 
whiskey  stills,  or  themselves  indulged  too  much  in  spir 
its,  and  ruined  the  horses.  At  a  distance  from  the 
home  lot,  they  were  not  under  a  close  supervision,  and 
took  their  responsibilities  at  times  more  easily  than 
Washington  could  regard  as  just  to  his  interests.  A 
painter,  in  1759,  "  before  he  had  near  finished  painting 
my  house,  stole  a  good  deal  of  my  paint  and  oil,  and 


128  George  Washington 

apprehensive  of  justice  ran  off."  He  was  obliged  to 
turn  away  a  wagoner  because  he  "  behaved  so  remark 
ably  ill,"  and  discovered  afterwards  that  the  fellow  had 
contracted  debts  in  his  name  on  the  roads  he  was  accus 
tomed  to  travel.  Servants  would  run  away  before  their 
full  time  of  indenture  had  expired,  and  rarely  returned, 
as  the  back  regions  offered  a  place  of  refuge.  Often  a 
"  rascally  overseer  "  incurred  the  displeasure  of  his  mas 
ter,  and  received  a  strong  reprimand  to  recall  him  to 
his  duty.  Even  convicts,  sent  out  from  England,  were 
employed  on  the  plantation,  occupying  a  position  not 
very  different  from  that  of  an  indentured  servant.  A 
slave  who  was  beyond  control  could  be  shipped  out  of 
the  country  as  merchandise ;  a  servant  could  not  be  got 
rid  of  by  such  measures,  and  flight  was  his  best  remedy. 
A  good  overseer  was  not  so  common  as  not  to  be  worth 
an  effort  to  keep,  so  it  was  only  a  notorious  neglect  of 
tasks  or  a  continued  failure  to  do  what  was  expected 
that  called  for  condemnation  or  the  last  step — a  discharge. 

Washington  took  up  the  study  of  his  farm  with  the 
same  conscientious  thought  that  had  directed  his  mili 
tary  experience.  One  of  his  first  orders  to  his  London 
agent  was  to  send  the  "  best  system  now  extant  of  agri 
culture  "  ;  and  a  short  time  after  he  has  been  told  of 
one  "  lately  published,  done  by  various  hands,  but 
chiefly  collected  from  the  papers  of  Mr.  Hale.  If  this 
is  known  to  be  the  best,  pray  send  it,  but  not  if  any 
other  is  in  higher  esteem."  It  must  have  been  with 
gain  in  his  mind  that  he  asked  for  a  small  piece  in  oc 
tavo,  entitled  "  a  new  system  of  agriculture,  or  a  speedy 
Way  to  grow  rich." 

A  careful  manager,  he  was  observant  of  all  around 


The  Planter  129 

him.  On  visiting  an  outlying  plantation  he  found  the 
manager  drunk  "  according  to  custom."  A  sharp  repri 
mand  for  his  indolence  followed  ;  and  some  days  later,  he 
is  found  hard  at  work.  "  Very  extraordinary  this  ! "  was 
Washington's  note  in  his  journal.  On  another  occasion 
he  passed  his  four  carpenters  hewing  trees,  and  learned 
that  all  four  had  hewed  so  small  a  quantity  as  to  excite 
his  curiosity.  "  Sat  down  therefore,  and  observ'd,"  and 
he  estimated  the  number  of  feet  of  plank  each  could 
make,  working  from  sun  to  sun,  the  result  being  subject 
to  modification  according  to  the  kind  of  wood  used.  In 
like  manner  he  measures  the  capacity  of  his  mill. 
"  Here,  also,  I  tried  what  time  the  mill  required  to 
grind  a  bushel  of  corn,  and  to  my  surprise  found  she 
was  within  5  minutes  of  an  hour  about  this.  Old  An 
thony  attributed  it  to  the  low  head  of  water,  but  whether 
it  was  so  or  not  I  can't  say — her  works  [being]  all  de 
cayed  and  out  of  order,  which  I  rather  take  to  be  the 
cause."  The  minute  record  of  his  experiments  in  plant 
ing  wheat  in  differently  treated  soils  or  under  varying 
conditions  in  the  same  field  gave  promise  of  his  being  a 
truly  scientific  farmer  had  he  not  been  interrupted  in 
his  investigations.  Even  as  it  was,  he  stood  among  the 
first  of  experimental  farmers  in  the  colonies,  having  a 
very  definite  idea  of  the  necessity  for  better  methods 
and  a  revolution  in  system,  but  as  yet  only  a  faint  con 
ception  of  what  should  be  done. 

This  made  him  eager  to  make  a  trial  of  any  sug 
gested  improvement.  In  1760  he  sought  to  make  a 
plow  after  a  new  model,  partly  of  his  own  contriving, 
but  failed.  Not  discouraged  he  made  a  plow  entirely  of 
his  own  invention,  but  met  with  no  better  success.  He 


130  George  Washington 

sent  to  England  for  a  Rotheran,  or  patent  plow,  of 
which  he  had  read  an  account.  "  If  the  construction  of 
them  is  not  thoroughly  understood  in  Liverpool,  you 
would  do  me  a  singular  favor  in  getting  it  from  a  place 
of  that  name  in  Yorkshire  (where  I  suppose  they  were 
first  invented,  and  now  are  made)  for  none  but  the  true 
sort  will  answer  the  end  of  my  sending  for  it  and  I  had 
rather  be  at  the  expense  of  the  carriage  from  thence  than 
not  to  have  the  right  kind  or  be  disappointed.  You 
will  please  to  order  it  to  be  made  exceeding  light,  as 
our  lands  are  not  so  stiff  as  yours,  nor  our  horses  so 
strong."  He  found  a  mention  of  an  engine  for  taking 
up  trees  by  the  roots,  and  coupled  with  statements  of 
such  efficient  results  that  he  wished  one.  "If  the  ac 
counts  are  not  greatly  exaggerated,  such  powerful  as 
sistance  must  be  of  vast  utility  in  many  parts  of  this 
wooden  country,  where  it  is  impossible  for  our  force 
(and  laborers  are  not  to  be  hired  here),  between  the 
finishing  of  one  crop  and  preparations  for  another,  to 
clear  grounds  fast  enough  to  afford  the  proper  changes, 
either  in  the  planting  or  farming  business." 

So,  in  1760,  he  proposes  to  set  up  iron  works  on 
some  land  of  Colonel  Fairfax,  on  the  Shenandoah. 
"  The  convenience  of  water  is  great.  First  it  may  be 
taken  out  of  the  river  into  a  canal  and  a  considerable 
fall  obtained  ;  and  then  a  run  comes  from  the  mountain 
on  which  the  largest  fall  may  be  got  with  small  labor 
and  expence,  but  of  the  constancy  of  this  stream  I  know 
nothing.  I  saw  none  of  the  ore,  but  all  people  agree 
that  there  is  an  inexhaustible  fund  of  that  that  is  rich. 
But  wood  seems  to  be  an  obstacle,  not  but  that  there  is 
enough  of  it,  but  the  ground  is  so  hilly  and  rugged  as 


The  Planter  131 

not  to  admit  of  making  coal  or  transporting  it."  In 
1764  Parliament  granted  a  bounty  of  eight  pounds 
sterling  a  ton  on  hemp  imported  from  the  British  plan 
tations.  Although  the  lands  of  Virginia  were  not  well 
suited  for  the  culture,  Washington  made  inquiries  as  to 
the  cost  of  raising,  shipping,  and  all  other  incidental 
charges,  to  determine  if  there  was  sufficient  profit  in 
it  to  permit  its  substitution  for  other  crops  of  rather 
uncertain  returns. 

The  weak  point  in  all  farming  operations  in  Virginia 
lay  in  the  absence  of  live-stock.  The  cattle  were  few 
and  of  a  poor  quality,  sheep  were  almost  unknown  save 
as  a  half-wild  breed  supplying  meat  rather  than  wool. 
The  fibre  was  coarse  and  only  a  kind  of  hair.  Both 
cattle  and  sheep  received  so  little  attention  that  their 
good  points  were  lost  and  the  stock  as  a  rule  actually 
deteriorated.  Allowed  to  wander  at  will,  to  get  a  pre 
carious  living  from  the  wild  or  waste  fields,  and  without 
shelter  even  in  the  severest  weather,  they  became 
indifferent  and  of  little  utility  to  the  farm.  With 
horses  it  was  far  otherwise.  Great  attention  was  given 
to  these  animals,  both  as  objects  of  taste  and  beasts  of 
burden. 

The  fall  and  winter  offered  the  sport  of  fox-hunting, 
and  it  appealed  so  strongly  to  the  tastes  of  the  Virginia 
farmer  as  to  lead  him  often  afar  and  at  all  times  in  the 
chase.  He  is  even  found  directing  paths  to  be  cut 
through  the  forests  to  make  the  running  easier,  and  his 
hounds  were  the  objects  of  much  serious  attention.  To 
start  a  fox  at  ten  in  the  morning  and  run  him  till  three 
in  the  afternoon  represented  a  good  day's  sport,  even 
if  the  hunted  animal  escaped.  Again  and  again  was 


132 


George  Washington 


the  entry  made,  "started  a  fox,  but  catched  nothing," 
and  it  is  almost  with  a  touch  of  chagrin  that  after  days 
of  such  fruitless  coursing  he  meets  some  friends  returning 
from  a  hunt  with  two  foxes  in  their  hands. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


WESTERN    LANDS 

N  occasional  visit  to  the  Annapolis 
races,  the  regular  sessions  of  the 
Burgesses,  and  quite  as  regular  at 
tendance  on  the  County  Courts, — 
these  were  the  amusements  and 
outside  occupations  of  Washing 
ton.  "  We  have  few  things  here," 
he  wrote  to  a  kinsman  in  England,  "  striking  to  Euro 
pean  travellers  (except  our  abundant  woods)  ;  but  little 
variety,  or  welcome  reception  among  a  few  friends,  and 
the  open  and  prevalent  hospitality  of  the  country  in 
general,  might  perhaps  prove  agreeable  for  a  while, 
and  I  must  be  permitted  to  add,  that  I  shall  think  my 
self  very  happy  in  seeing  you  at  Mt.  Vernon  where 
you  might  depend  upon  finding  the  most  cordial  enter 
tainment."  His  estates  were  sufficient  to  keep  him 
occupied,  for  all  accounts  passed  through  his  hands  and 
were  entered  in  his  ledger,  even  to  the  shillings  he  loaned 
his  mother  or  brothers.  The  few  pence  lost  at  a  home 
game  of  cards  received  as  full  attention  as  the  expendi 
ture  of  hundreds  of  pounds  for  slaves,  or  thousands  for 
lands.  The  cost  of  every  yard  of  cloth  made  on  the 

133 


134  George  Washington 

place,  the  weight  of  every  pig  killed,  and  the  allowances  of 
provisions  made  to  overseer  or  servant,  were  recorded 
by  him,  and  at  stated  intervals  were  summarized. 
This  close  care  and  attention  were  needed,  for  the  prod 
uce  of  the  estate  was  not  very  much  larger  in  a  good 
year  than  what  was  called  for  by  the  remittances  to 
Europe.  In  a  bad  year,  some  economy  had  to  be  en 
forced  or  an  extension  of  credit  obtained  in  London, 
neither  operation  being  much  to  his  liking.  As  it  was 
he  was  fortunate  in  not  being  deeply  in  debt,  like  so 
many  of  his  neighbors. 

His  attention  was  not  absorbed  in  little  things.  He 
had  the  management  of  the  properties  of  the  children 
of  Mrs.  Washington.  Master  John  Parke  Custis  was 
at  this  time  six  years  old,  and  his  sister,  Martha  Parke 
Custis,  better  known  as  Patey,  was  two  years  younger. 
The  boy  was  just  beginning  to  read,  but  still  called  for 
ten  shillings'  worth  of  toys  in  the  annual  order  on  Lon 
don  ;  while  the  girl  naturally  desired  a  "  fashionable- 
dressed  baby  "  and  other  toys  to  the  amount  of  twenty 
shillings.  As  they  grew  older,  tutors  were  engaged  for 
them,  and  they  received  instruction  in  music,  and  in 
dancing,  the  one  an  accomplishment,  the  other  a  science. 

The  health  of  little  Martha  Custis,  or  Patey,  as  she 
was  affectionately  called,  was  frail,  and  gave  her  parents 
great  anxiety.  The  specifics  for  her  trouble  savored  more 
of  quackery  than  of  knowledge,  and  after  exhausting  the 
usual  remedies  Washington  saw  fit  to  call  in  Joshua 
Evans,  who  put  an  iron  ring  upon  the  child's  finger. 
This  denoted  a  survival  of  a  mediaeval  practice,  for  rings 
hallowed  on  Easter  day  or  Good  Friday  were  supposed 
to  protect  the  wearer  from  the  cramp  and  falling 


Western  Lands  135 

sickness  ;  but  whether  Evans  made  the  ring  according  to 
rule,  of  three  nails  or  screws  which  had  been  used  to 
fasten  a  coffin,  and  therefore  must  be  dug  out  of  the 
churchyard,  the  brief  note  of  the  incident  by  Washing 
ton  does  not  say.  For  more  than  five  years  Patey 
continued  in  uncertain  life,  the  object  of  every  care  and 
tenderness  her  parents  could  give,  and  in  1773  the  end 
came  suddenly,  without  a  word,  a  groan,  or  scarce  a 
sigh.  The  brother,  Jacky,  was  in  New  York  at  the 
time,  and  the  loss  fell  with  crushing  weight  upon  Mrs. 
Washington.  "This  sudden,  and  unexpected  blow,  I 
scarce  need  add,"  wrote  Washington  to  Colonel  Bassett, 
"  has  almost  reduced  my  poor  wife  to  the  lowest  ebb  of 
misery  "  ;  and  he  sought  to  induce  Mrs.  Dandridge  to 
make  Mount  Vernon  her  entire  and  absolute  home,  be 
lieving  that  companionship  would  be  the  best  solace. 

If  feeling  may  be  gauged  by  utterance,  the  few 
words  written  by  Washington  on  Patey's  loss  were  ex 
pressive  of  great  sensibility.  "  Yesterday  removed  the 
sweet  innocent  girl  entered  into  a  more  happy  and 
peaceful  abode  than  any  she  has  met  with  in  the  afflicted 
path  she  hitherto  has  trod."  With  that  his  thoughts 
turned  to  the  living,  and  the  comfort  of  his  wife  occu 
pied  his  endeavor.  Only  a  month  had  passed  since  he 
had  been  called  upon  to  condole  with  Mr.  Bassett  in 
the  loss  of  his  daughter.  "  That  we  sympathize  in  the 
misfortune,  and  lament  the  decree  which  has  deprived 
you  of  so  dutiful  a  child,  and  the  world  of  so  promising 
a  young  lady,  stands  in  no  need,  I  hope,  of  argument  to 
prove ;  but  the  ways  of  Providence  being  inscrutable, 
and  the  justice  of  it  not  to  be  scanned  by  the  shallow 
eye  of  humanity,  nor  to  be  counteracted  by  the  utmost 


George  Washington 

efforts  of  human  power  or  wisdom,  resignation,  and  as 
far  as  the  strength  of  our  reason  and  religion  can  carry 
us,  a  cheerful  acquiescence  to  the  Divine  Will,  is  what 
we  are  to  aim  at ;  and  I  am  persuaded  that  your  own 
good  sense  will  arm  you  with  fortitude  to  withstand  the 
stroke,  great  as  it  is,  and  enable  you  to  console  Mrs. 
Bassett,  whose  loss  and  feelings  are  much  to  be  pitied." 
Jacky  Custis  was  placed  under  the  care  of  an  Eng 
lish  clergyman,  Jonathan  Boucher,  who  had  a  parish  in 
Virginia,  and  later  in  Maryland,  a  man  of  some  attain 
ments,  but  more  of  a  politician  than  divine.  The  boy 
was  fourteen  when  he  went  to  Boucher's  house,  "  un 
tainted  in  his  morals  and  of  innocent  manners,"  reading 
Virgil  and  about  to  enter  upon  the  Greek  testament. 
Washington's  idea  was  to  "  make  him  fit  for  more  use 
ful  purposes  than  horse  racer,"  and  even  considered 
sending  him  for  a  tour  in  Europe,  with  his  tutor,  a  man 
ner  of  finishing  an  education  much  practised  in  the 
southern  colonies.  In  December,  1770,  it  was  noticed 
that  Jacky's  mind  was  a  good  deal  released  from  study, 
and  more  than  ever  turned  to  dogs,  horses,  and  guns, 
as  well  as  on  dress  and  equipage.  Washington  sought 
to  impress  upon  Boucher  the  need  of  closely  watching 
the  young  man,  and  of  giving  him  most  friendly  aid  and 
counsel.  His  general  scheme  of  an  education  was  out 
lined  :  "  In  respect  to  the  kinds,  and  manner  of  his 
studying,  I  leave  it  wholely  to  your  better  judgment. 
Had  he  begun,  or  rather  pursued  his  study  of  the  Greek 
language,  I  should  have  thought  it  no  bad  acquisition  ; 
.  .  .  To  be  acquainted  with  the  French  Tongue  is 
become  a  part  of  polite  Education ;  and  to  a  man  who 
has  the  prospect  of  mixing  in  a  large  circle,  absolutely 


Western  Lands  137 

necessary.  Without  Arithmetick,  the  common  affairs  of 
Life  are  not  to  be  managed  with  success.  The  study  of 
Geometry,  and  the  Mathematics  (with  due  regard  to 
the  limits  of  it)  is  equally  advantageous.  The  princi 
ples  of  Philosophy,  Moral,  Natural,  &c,  I  should  think  a 
very  desirable  knowledge  for  a  Gentleman." 

The  tutor  appears  to  have  been  a  little  remiss,  and 
while  urging  a  foreign  tour,  permitted  his  charge  to  be 
come  attached  to  Miss  Nellie  Calvert,  and  to  go  so  far 
as  to  ask  her  in  marriage.  Not  a  little  annoyed,  Wash 
ington  urged  his  youth,  inexperience,  and  unripened 
education,  as  insuperable  obstacles  to  the  union,  and 
wished  for  a  delay  of  two  or  three  years,  that  Jacky 
might  go  to  college  and  "  thereby  render  himself  more 
deserving  of  the  lady  and  useful  to  society."  His  wish 
was  granted,  and  Custis  was  sent  to  King's  College, 
New  York,  then  in  charge  of  Dr.  Myles  Cooper,  where 
he  remained  only  a  few  months. 

As  a  member  of  the  Burgesses  Washington  has  left 
little  of  record,  but  has  drawn  his  own  policy  for  the 
benefit  of  the  younger  men  to  whom  he  offered  counsel. 
When  Bushrod  had  made  his  first  speech,  he  wrote : 
"  The  only  advice  I  will  offer  to  you  on  the  occasion  (if 
you  have  a  mind  to  command  the  attention  of  the 
House,)  is  to  speak  seldom,  but  to  important  subjects, 
except  such  as  particularly  relate  to  your  constituents  ; 
and,  in  the  former  case,  make  yourself  perfectly  master 
of  the  subject.  Never  exceed  a  decent  warmth,  and 
submit  your  sentiments  with  diffidence.  A  dictatorial 
stile,  though  it  may  carry  conviction,  is  always  accom 
panied  with  disgust."  And  on  John  Parke  Custis  he 
impressed  the  need  of  punctual  attendance,  and  to  hear 


138  George  Washington 

dispassionately  and  determine  coolly  all  great  questions, 
not  being  disgusted  if  the  decision  should  not  be  conso 
nant  to  his  own  ideas. 

He  found  an  outlet  for  some  of  his  energy  in  obtain 
ing  a  part  of  the  western  territory.  The  country  to  the 
west  of  the  Alleghanies  had  been  thrown  open  to  settle 
ment  by  the  reduction  of  Fort  Du  Quesne.  No  longer 
threatened  by  the  French  from  Canada,  and  less  open 
than  before  to  Indian  incursion,  these  lands  offered  a 
fair  field  for  a  reasonable  speculation.  From  Pennsyl 
vania,  as  well  as  from  Virginia,  a  stream  of  emigrants 
set  out  for  this  new  region,  intending  to  establish  them 
selves  where  they  could  best  attain  their  own  support, 
free  from  the  restraints  that  had  already  made  them 
selves  felt  in  the  older  and  long-settled  parts  of  the  colo 
nies.  Among  these  emigrants  were  numbered  many 
who  were  going  west  to  avoid  their  creditors ;  many 
who  had  been  ne'er-do-wells  in  the  colony,  and  many  who 
were  led  on  by  the  love  of  adventure,  by  the  desire  for 
novelty.  It  was  not  a  lawless  crowd,  such  as  is  attracted 
by  the  opening  of  a  newly  discovered  gold  field ;  but 
there  was  enough  of  the  rougher  element  to  make  it  in 
teresting,  even  dangerous.  In  every  respect  they  were 
unrestrained  in  their  thoughts  and  actions,  and  looked 
with  disdain  upon  the  attempt  of  either  Virginia  or  Penn 
sylvania  to  become  their  tax-gatherers,  their  sheriffs,  or 
their  protectors.  Strong  in  themselves,  they  sought 
neither  assistance  nor  protection  from  the  colonial  gov 
ernors  ;  and  left  to  themselves  they  developed  an  inde 
pendence  that  at  times  seemed  erratic,  so  much  was  it 
out  of  line  with  the  sentiment  controlling  their  distant 
neighbors  and  would-be  rescuers. 


Western  Lands  139 

That  there  was  much  rich  land  on  the  Ohio  was 
well  known  to  Washington,  for  he  had  carefully  noted 
such  places  as  had  met  his  eye  on  his  first  and  very 
eventful  journey  to  the  French  fort.  He  was  entitled 
to  ascertain  bounty  in  these  lands  under  the  Governor's 
proclamation,  and  he  now  determined  to  locate  at  least 
a^part  of  these  claims,  before  the  pick  of  the  land  had 
been  taken  by  others.  A  brave  and  adventurous  man 
who  had  served  under  General  Forbes,  William  Craw 
ford  by  name,  was  at  this  time  in  the  Ohio  valley,  and 
to  him  Washington  made  known  his  wishes.  His  per 
sonal  knowledge  of  the  region  came  in  good  stead,  for 
he  could  give  definite  directions  for  gauging  his  wishes, 
directions  not  untempered  by  shrewdness.  "  It  will  be 
easy  for  you  to  conceive,  that  ordinary  or  even  middling 
land  would  never  answer  my  purpose  or  expectation,  so 
far  from  navigation,  and  under  such  a  load  of  expenses, 
as  these  lands  are  encumbered  with.  No  ;  a  tract  to 
please  me  must  be  rich,  (of  which  no  person  can  be  a 
better  judge  than  yourself,)  and,  if  possible,  to  be  good 
and  level.  Could  such  a  piece  of  land  as  this  be  found, 
you  would  do  me  a  singular  favor  in  falling  upon  some 
method  to  secure  it  immediately  from  the  attempts  of 
any  other,  as  nothing  is  more  certain,  than  that  the  lands 
cannot  remain  long  ungranted,  when  once  it  is  known, 
that  rights  are  to  be  had  for  them." 

These  particular  lands  were  in  control  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  but  there  were  better  fields  to  be  obtained  be 
yond,  in  the  King's  part,  the  settlement  of  which  was 
prohibited  by  royal  proclamation  in  1 763.  The  principal 
object  of  this  act  was  to  quiet  the  apprehensions  of  the 
Indians,  fearful  lest  their  grounds  might  be  overrun 


140  George  Washington 

from  the  colonies  and  themselves  driven  westward  or 
shot  as  incumbrances  of  the  land.  Both  the  lands  and 
the  commerce  of  the  Indians  were  taken  under  royal 
protection,  but  it  was  a  paper  protection.  In  1767,  or 
after  four  years  of  the  proclamation,  Washington  recog 
nized  the  futility  of  enforcing  it.  "I  can  never  look 
upon  that  proclamation  in  any  other  light  (but  this  I 
say  between  ourselves),  than  as  a  temporary  expedient 
to  quiet  the  minds  of  the  Indians,  and  must  fall,  of 
course,  in  a  few  years,  especially  when  those  Indians 
are  consenting  to  our  occupying  the  lands."  Negotia 
tions  had  long  been  on  foot  in  New  York  for  determin 
ing  more  definitely  the  limits  of  settlements,  and  the 
line  agreed  upon  by  the  Indians  gave  Virginia  room 
to  expand  to  the  westward.  Although  Sir  William 
Johnson  was  the  representative  of  the  English  in  this 
agreement,  he  could  not  give  his  final  approval  without 
authority  from  the  King,  and  as  late  as  1769  this  au 
thority  had  not  been  given.  In  spite  of  the  prohibition 
of  1763  settlers  flowed  into  this  forbidden  land,  and 
only  a  year  before  Washington  was  seeking  to  obtain 
plots,  the  Governor  of  Virginia  issued  a  proclamation 
calling  upon  all  these  interlopers  to  leave  the  territory, 
"  which  if  they  shall  fail  to  do,  they  must  expect  no  pro 
tection  or  mercy  from  government,  and  be  exposed  to 
the  revenge  of  the  exasperated  Indians." 

As  a  speculation,  land  was  profitable  only  in  large 
quantities.  Where  millions  of  acres  might  be  had, 
great  selection  was  needed  to  secure  a  desirable  holding. 
Hence  Washington's  urgency  that  Crawford  should 
secure  "  some  of  the  most  valuable  lands  in  the  King's 
part,"  for  ordinary  land  was  a  glut  and  could  command 


Western  Lands  141 

no  price  for  a  long  time  to  come.  Hence  also  his  de 
sire  to  obtain  a  good  deal  of  land,  in  large  tracts,  and 
"  it  might  be  desirable  to  have  them  as  near  your  set 
tlement,  or  Fort  Pitt,  as  we  could  get  them  good,  but 
not  to  neglect  others  at  a  greater  distance,  if  fine  bodies 
of  it  lie  in  a  place.  .  .  .  For  my  own  part,  I  should 
have  no  objection  to  a  grant  of  land  upon  the  Ohio, 
a  good  way  below  Pittsburg,  but  would  willingly  secure 
some  good  tracts  nearer  hand  first."  Above  all,  secrecy 
must  be  maintained,  as  on  that  depended  success  in  the 
venture. 

Even  secrecy  could  not  undo  what  had  already  been 
accomplished,  and  certain  companies  or  associations 
were  in  existence  whose  claims  might  cover  this  very 
land.  The  process  of  buying  lands  of  the  Indians  was 
simple  only  when  it  was  done  by  the  royal  government 
and  under  a  formal  act  of  cession  or  treaty.  Private 
traders  or  individuals  had  obtained  from  the  natives 
what  they  denominated  rights,  but  the  compensation 
given  was  too  often  nominal,  and  the  consent  of  the 
sellers  was  more  apt  to  be  given  under  the  influence 
of  fear  or  of  liquor  than  voluntarily.  At  a  council  held 
in  1763,  at  German  Flats,  under  the  auspices  of  Sir 
William  Johnson,  the  Indians  offered  to  cede  all  their 
lands  east  of  the  Ohio  for  a  fair  consideration,  but  the 
offer  was  not  accepted.  The  existence  of  French  settle 
ments  in  this  region,  and  the  easier  communication  with 
Canada  on  the  north,  and  even  with  the  Spanish  settle 
ments  to  the  south,  turned  in  those  directions  a  certain 
share  of  the  fur  trade,  always  the  basis  of  the  trade 
with  the  Indians.  To  destroy  this  French  influence, 
and  monopolize  for  English  interests  the  fur  trade, 


i42  George  Washington 

some  men  of  influence,  associated  with  others,  formed  a 
design  of  purchasing  a  large  tract  of  this  country,  and 
establishing  a  permanent  settlement  upon  it  —  a  colony 
in  the  Illinois.  There  is  no  doubt  such  a  venture  would 
have  strengthened  the  position  of  the  colonists,  as  it 
would  have  tended  to  consolidate  their  interests  in  this 
territory,  newly  acquired  under  the  treaty  with  France. 
The  authorities  at  home,  when  permission  was  requested, 
looked  doubtfully  on  the  project.  So  distant  a  settle 
ment  could  not  be  of  much  use  to  the  English,  for  it 
could  not  buy  of  their  manufactures,  the  cost  of  carriage 
preventing.  This  difficulty  would  lead  the  settlers  to 
manufacture  for  themselves,  something  abhorrent  to 
the  commercial  and  industrial  policy  of  the  day.  For 
the  same  reason,  it  would  be  difficult  to  defend  and  to 
govern  it ;  and  inasmuch  as  the  ministry  were  just  ex 
periencing  the  results  of  the  ill-advised  stamp-tax,  they 
felt  the  decided  tendency  of  remote  dependencies  to 
become  unmanageable.  Hence  they  believed  "  it  might 
lay  the  foundation  of  a  power  in  the  heart  of  America, 
which  in  time  might  be  troublesome  to  the  other  colonies, 
and  prejudicial  to  our  government  over  them  ;  and  that 
people  were  wanted  both  here  and  in  the  already  settled 
colonies,  so  that  none  could  be  spared  for  a  new  colony." 
Another  project  of  much  the  same  nature  was  that 
of  the  "military  adventurers,"  growing  out  of  an  asso 
ciation  formed  by  General  Phineas  Lyman  of  Connecti 
cut,  who  had  served  with  great  credit  in  the  recent  war 
in  America,  but  had  not  met  with  the  consideration  he 
deserved.  He  was  anxious  to  obtain  for  his  company 
the  lands  that  Governor  Franklin  intended  for  the  Illi 
nois  settlement,  and  going  in  person  to  London,  to  urge 


Western  Lands  143 

his  plan,  met  an  advance  from  Benjamin  Franklin  to 
unite  the  two  schemes.  This  promised  to  quiet  all  dif 
ferences  between  the  two  claimants,  but  did  not  make 
the  underlying  basis  any  more  acceptable  to  the  minis 
try.  It  is  true  a  cabinet  council  approved  the  plan,  but 
the  real  contest  must  occur  in  the  Board  of  Trade,  to 
which  it  was  now  referred.  This  was  in  1 768,  and  here 
the  matter  slept  for  some  years  without  any  action 
being  taken  upon  it. 

While  these  negotiations  were  going  on  in  England 
the  military  commander  of  Fort  Pitt,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
John  Wilkins,  construed  his  administrative  powers  with 
such  liberality  as  to  make  large  grants  of  land,  and 
among  them  one  of  thirty  thousand  acres,  lying  be 
tween  the  village  of  Kaskaskia  and  Prairie  du  Rocher. 
The  men  who  obtained  this  grant  were  three  merchants 
of  Philadelphia,  John  Baynton,  Samuel  Wharton,  and 
George  Morgan,  and  this  liberal  gift  was  made  because 
by  their  trading  they  had  "  greatly  contributed  to  his 
Majesty's  service."  It  could  not  be  shown  at  the  time 
how  Wilkins  had  exceeded  his  powers,  giving  what  he 
had  no  authority  to  give ;  and  the  rumor  of  such  large 
slices  of  the  new  lands  being  granted  was  sufficient  to 
disturb  any  whose  thoughts  were  tending  towards  the 
possession  of  them.  In  England  some  advance  was 
made.  A  new  company  was  formed,  in  which  were  found 
a  wealthy  London  banker,  Thomas  Walpole,  Benjamin 
Franklin,  Thomas  Pownall,  a  man  well  versed  in  Amer 
ican  affairs,  John  Sargent,  George  Croghan,  Sir  William 
Johnson,  and  Samuel  Wharton,  a  list  of  names  sufficient 
to  show  that  the  many  different  interests  had  found  a 
common  ground  and  were  now  working  in  union.  This 


144  George  Washington 

common  ground  was  probably  the  opposition  of  Lord 
Hillsborough,  who  did  not  play  a  very  respectable  part 
in  the  proceedings.  The  society  first  approached  the 
Treasury,  and  purchased  a  tract  large  enough  for  a  gov 
ernment,  the  lands  lying  on  the  Ohio  River.  Lord 
Hillsborough,  not  having  the  power  to  set  aside  such  a 
transaction,  suggested  that  it  would  be  right  that  the 
society  should  have  a  charter  of  government,  in  conse 
quence  of  its  purchase,  and  accordingly  application  was 
made  to  the  Council  Board  that  the  grant  should  issue. 
After  that  step  had  been  gained,  the  Board  of  Trade 
must  be  faced,  and  here  the  plan  was  met  by  a  report 
from  Hillsborough  that  gave  it  a  serious  check.  After 
encouraging  the  company  to  apply  for  a  larger  grant, 
and  for  a  charter,  his  opposition  was  a  bit  of  double- 
dealing  for  which  Franklin  made  him  pay  dearly. 

The  officers  and  soldiers  of  the  Virginia  regiment 
wished  to  locate  their  land  grants  under  the  Governor's 
proclamation  of  1 754,  but  found  a  formidable  opponent 
in  the  old  Ohio  Company.  The  Governor,  before  tak 
ing  final  action,  asked  Washington  to  express  an  opinion 
on  the  company's  claim.  He  did  not  hesitate  to  assert 
that  if  obtained,  it  would  give  a  fatal  blow  to  the  inter 
ests  of  Virginia.  As  a  member  of  the  community  he 
naturally  looked  at  the  question  in  its  general  relations. 
As  an  individual,  interested  in  a  just  settlement,  and 
acting  in  some  degree  as  the  representative  of  the  offi 
cers  and  soldiers  who  claimed  two  hundred  thousand 
acres  of  this  very  land  under  a  solemn  act  of  govern 
ment  adopted  at  a  very  important  and  critical  period  to 
the  King's  affairs  in  America,  he  could  give  weighty 
reasons  for  not  yielding  to  the  adverse  contention. 


Western  Lands  145 

Most  of  the  regiment  had  suffered  in  their  persons  or 
fortunes  in  the  cause  of  their  country,  few  had  secured 
any  benefit  by  the  service,  and  the  land  in  dispute  had 
been  gained  largely  by  their  efforts  and  at  the  sacrifice 
of  their  blood  and  treasure. 

It  was  a  question  that  could  not  be  determined  at 
once,  and  pending  a  decision  Washington,  in  August, 
met  the  officers  of  his  old  regiment  at  Captain  Weedon's, 
in  Fredericksburg,  where  they  dined  and  discussed  the 
matter  until  sunset.  The  right  of  their  claim  was  not 
in  dispute,  and  it  was  so  far  assumed  that  it  must  event 
ually  be  conceded  as  to  induce  Washington  to  make  a 
journey  to  the  Ohio  country  —  their  promised  land  —  to 
make  a  personal  examination  of  the  lands.  Taking  a 
fellow  campaigner,  Dr.  James  Craik,  as  a  companion, 
and  two  servants  with  one  of  the  Doctor's,  he  set  out  in 
October,  1770.  The  first  few  days  were  no  more  pro 
pitious  than  those  marking  his  first  venture  of  1754. 
His  pack  horse  gave  out  almost  at  once,  and  on  the 
second  day  one  of  his  servants,  Billy,  was  taken  ill  and 
had  to  be  left  with  Dr.  Craik,  while  Washington  went 
to  Crawford's  to  get  information.  With  new  horses  the 
journey  was  resumed,  and  careful  note  is  made  of  the 
places  known  to  him  when  in  service.  The  party  break 
fasted  at  the  Little  Meadows,  and  lodged  at  the  Great 
Crossings.  The  next  day  brought  them  to  the  fateful 
Great  Meadows  and  across  Laurel  Hill,  every  step 
awakening  memories  of  the  earlier  experiences.  The 
land  up  to  this  point  had  been  indifferent,  but  at 
Gist's  it  became  "charming,"  being  rich  and  black,  and 
lying  flat.  Passing  from  Gist's  to  Crawford's,  whose 
holding  was  on  the  river  and  was  noticeably  good,  he 


146  George  Washington 

saw  spots  exceedingly  rich  and  in  general  free  from 
stone. 

At  Crawford's  he  made  a  visit  to  a  coal  mine,  which 
"seemed  to  be  of  the  very  best  kind,  burning  freely, 
and  abundance  of  it."  He  also  had  an  opportunity  of 
seeing  how  well  Crawford  had  carried  out  his  injunc 
tions  as  to  land.  For  he  viewed  a  tract  of  about  sixteen 
hundred  acres  chosen  for  him  near  the  river,  which  in 
cluded  "  some  as  fine  land  as  ever  I  saw,  and  a  great 
deal  of  rich  meadow,  and  in  general  leveller  than  the 
country  about  it.  This  tract  is  well  watered,  and  has  a 
valuable  mill-seat,  (except  that  the  stream  is  rather  too 
slight,  and,  it  is  said,  not  constant  more  than  seven  or 
eight  months  in  the  year ;  but  on  account  of  the  fall, 
and  other  conveniences,  no  place  can  exceed  it.)  "  His 
observation  was  keen,  for  he  notices  what  was  "extraor 
dinary,  and  contrary  to  the  property  of  all  [other  lands 
I  ever  saw  before,  the  hills  are  the  richest  lands." 
Whatever  person  he  met  was  closely  questioned  as  to 
lands  elsewhere,  river  routes  and  size  of  rich  bottoms. 
On  the  seventeenth,  or  only  twelve  days  after  leaving 
Mount  Vernon,  he  arrived  at  Fort  Pitt,  lodging  in  the 
town,  a  little  distance  from  the  fort,  at  a  very  good 
house  of  entertainment.  What  had  been  intended  as 
a  place  of  deposit,  a  log  building  to  mark  one  stage 
in  the  Indian  road,  had  become  a  town  composed  of 
twenty  log  houses,  ranged  into  streets.  Sailing  down 
as  far  as  the  Kanawha,  the  lay  of  the  land  was  noted, 
and  marks  made  when  favorable  locations  offered.  The 
return  voyage  was  much  impeded  by  rains,  and  on 
December  ist,  or  nine  weeks  and  one  day  after  setting 
out,  Washington  reached  Mount  Vernon. 


Western  Lands  147 

By  his  visit  of  inspection  he  was  convinced  that  the 
soldiers'  claims  could  be  met  with  lands  of  very  high 
quality  on  the  Ohio,  provided  the  consent  of  govern 
ment  could  be  gained.  It  was  not  enough  to  plead  the 
promise  of  the  proclamation  of  1754;  some  definite 
measure  must  be  taken  to  set  the  machinery  of  the 
executive  in  motion,  and  no  measure  was  so  eligible  as 
the  united  action  of  the  claimants.  By  example  and  by 
correspondence  Washington  sought  to  bring  about  a 
union,  and  to  combine  all  claims,  as  well  those  which 
were  held  by  persons  desirous  to  join  in  the  movement, 
as  those  which  were  standing  in  the  names  of  the  indif 
ferent,  the  dead,  the  poverty-stricken,  or  the  absent.  He 
became  the  agent  and  spokesman  for  the  regiment,  and 
planned  the  details  of  the  approaches  upon  the  Gover 
nor  in  Virginia,  and  even  upon  the  land  companies  in 
England. 

The  Governor  and  Council,  it  is  true,  had  allotted 
the  land,  but  under  conditions  that  made  its  location 
difficult  and  expensive.  To  each  claimant  was  assigned 
a  certain  number  of  acres  according  to  his  rank,  and 
it  only  remained  to  collect  sufficient  money  from  the 
regiment  to  pay  the  extraordinary  cost  of  surveys. 
Naturally,  some  of  the  men  did  not  care  to  go  to 
such  an  expense,  in  a  venture  that  might  turn  out 
badly,  and  certainly  promised  to  be  successful  only 
after  a  long  delay  and  possibly  some  litigation  with 
the  proposed  government  of  the  Illinois.  Washington, 
who  certainly  had  confidence  in  the  success  of  the  plan, 
bought  up  some  of  these  claims,  paying  for  them  prices 
that  were  low  for  the  lands  they  called  for,  but  not  low 
considering  the  risks  of  failure.  Further,  he  had  been 


148  George  Washington 

at  great  expense  in  the  preliminary  arrangements,  hav 
ing  paid  all  the  fees  of  office  and  many  drafts  of  the 
surveyor ;  and  he  saw  but  little  prospects  of  his  being 
reimbursed  for  his  outlay.  It  was  only  just,  therefore, 
that  he  should  secure  some  advantage  from  those  who 
were  indifferent  to  owning  the  lands,  or  unwilling  to 
pay  the  necessary  charges.  On  his  shoulders  had  rested 
the  whole  business,  and  had  it  not  been  for  his  unre- 
mitted  attention  to  every  favorable  circumstance,  the 
grant  never  would  have  been  carried  through  the 
Council. 

General  Lyman's  scheme  now  took  the  form  of  a 
plan  for  colonizing  Florida,  which  had  been  thrown  open 
for  settlement  after  1763.  Whether  this  grew  out  of 
the  delays  attending  the  recognition  of  the  Walpole 
grant,  cannot  be  determined;  but  in  1773,  himself 
wearied  of  waiting  for  action  on  his  petition  for  lands 
in  Florida,  Lyman  sent  a  party  from  New  York  to  take 
possession  and  establish  a  colony.  Towards  this  coun 
try  Washington  turned  his  attention,  and  desired  to 
have  a  part  of  his  land  rights  located  in  the  new  settle 
ment.  He  wanted  lands  on  the  river,  as  high  up  the 
Mississippi  as  navigation  was  good,  and  of  high  quality. 
Nothing  seems  to  have  come  of  this  intention,  for  Ly 
man  discovered  that  the  Governor  had  no  authority  to 
grant  lands  under  the  expected  conditions. 

Having  obtained  patents  for  upwards  of  twenty 
thousand  acres  of  land  on  the  Ohio  and  Great  Kanawha 
rivers,  Washington  prepared  to  make  use  of  them. 
Under  the  grant,  the  lands  were  free  of  quit  rents  for 
fifteen  years,  but  under  a  law  of  Virginia  a  certain  part 
of  them  must  be  improved,  or  the  grant  would  be 


Western  Lands  149 

forfeited.  With  a  view  to  entice  tenants,  Washington 
advertised  his  holdings,  not  erring  on  the  side  of  modera 
tion  in  picturing  their  superiority  and  many  advantages. 
Conditions  were  made  for  meadow  and  fruit  orchards ; 
the  situation  on  the  river  was  extolled,  carrying  a  plenty 
of  fine  fish  and  wild  fowl ;  the  easy  distance  from  Fort 
Pitt,  and  from  the  head  of  the  Potomac,  to  which  a 
canal  would  soon  be  opened,  made  these  lands  of  special 
value.  Through  Philadelphia  a  stream  of  immigrants 
poured,  bound  for  the  Ohio.  There  were  families  from 
Ireland,  from  England,  from  Germany,  and  even  from 
Corsica  or  Italy.  Already  there  was  a  large  settled 
area  around  Fort  Pitt,  well  peopled  and  giving  every 
promise  of  future  importance  ;  and  it  seemed  only  a 
question  of  time  when  Washington's  property  would  be 
in  demand.  So  certain  was  he  of  the  prospect  that  he 
was  desirous  of  adding  to  his  holdings,  and  was  partic 
ularly  anxious  to  obtain  some  of  the  salt  springs,  which 
he  "  would  immediately  turn  to  an  extensive  public 
benefit  as  well  as  private  advantage." 

As  neither  his  personal  nor  political  interests  were 
successful  in  attracting  settlers,  Washington  planned  to 
import  some  Palatines  from  Germany,  though  few  of 
this  description  had  come  to  Virginia,  owing,  it  was 
thought,  to  the  restraints  put  upon  their  liberty  of 
conscience,  but  really  owing  in  part  to  slave  labor.  The 
risk  and  expense  were  so  great  as  to  deter  him  from 
carrying  out  this  venture  ;  but  the  claims  and  the  annoy 
ances  coming  from  the  Ohio  induced  him  to  purchase 
four  men  convicts,  four  indented  servants,  and  a  man 
and  his  wife  for  four  years,  at  a  price  regarded  as  high, 
but  explained  by  the  scarcity  of  such  labor  in  the 


150  George  Washington 

market.  These  were  sent,  with  a  number  of  carpenters, 
to  build  houses  and  clear  the  lands  on  the  Ohio,  but  were 
greatly  interfered  with  by  the  appearance  of  a  rival 
party  from  Virginia,  who  proceeded  to  survey  the  mili 
tary  bounty  lands  for  other  interests.  Nearly  a  year 
later,  in  January,  1775,  a  second  party  was  sent  out 
by  Washington,  to  unite  with  what  remained  of  the 
first,  —  four  of  the  servants  had  been  sold  —  and  met 
with  no  greater  success,  losing  all  they  took  with  them, 
and  melting  away  before  the  rising  political  difference 
with  the  mother  country.  Thus  at  the  beginning  of 
the  Revolution  Washington  held  a  claim  to  large  tracts 
of  land  in  the  Ohio  country,  to  which  he  had  been  un 
able  to  bring  what  was  essential  to  their  cultivation, 
and  by  purchasing  the  Great  Meadows  had  secured  the 
land  on  which  Fort  Necessity  had  stood. 


CHAPTER  IX 


THE    REVOLUTION 

INCH  the  conquest  of  Canada  and  the 
treaty  of  1 763,  the  attention  of  the  min 
istry  was  directed  to  their  dependencies. 
The  control  over  the  older  colonies  had 
been  almost  entirely  guided  by  commer 
cial  and  industrial  reasons,  and  had 
proved  fairly  successful.  Enough  free 
dom  was  allowed  the  governed  to  work  out  their  own 
ends  in  local  or  domestic  affairs,  though  not  a  colony 
was  without  its  grievance  against  what  were  termed 
acts  of  tyranny  and  oppression.  Opposition  to  the 
decrees  of  the  mother  country  was  limited,  rarely  ex 
pressed,  and  would  not  have  given  cause  for  a  separa 
tion  had  it  not  been  concentrated,  superheated,  by 
wanton  acts  of  real  oppression,  and  compelled  to  show 
itself  in  rebellion.  The  very  isolation  of  the  colonies, 
the  jealousies  existing  among  them,  their  diversity  of 
interests,  and  the  different  standing  they  had  before  the 
acts  of  Parliament  and  the  mercantile  system,  would 
have  prevented  united  action.  The  ministry  took  a 
step  that  made  union  inevitable  and  separation  from 
Great  Britain  a  necessity,  by  seeking  to  collect  a  reve 
nue  from  the  colonies  through  a  stamp  duty. 


152  George  Washington 

Washington  was  quick  to  reflect  the  general  senti 
ment  of  the  Virginian  Assembly,  and  his  influence  was 
at  once  thrown  on  the  side  of  the  opposition  to  the  act. 
"  What  may  be  the  result  of  this,  and  of  some  other  (I 
think  I  may  add)  ill-judged  measures,  I  will  not  under 
take  to  determine ;  but  this  I  may  venture  to  affirm, 
that  the  advantage  accruing  to  the  mother  country  will 
fall  greatly  short  of  the  expectations  of  the  ministry  ; 
for  certain  it  is,  that  our  whole  substance  does  already 
in  a  manner  flow  to  Great  Britain,  and  that  whatso 
ever  contributes  to  lessen  our  importations  must  be 
hurtful  to  their  manufacturers." 

The  repeal  of  this  obnoxious  measure  brought  tem 
porary  relief  to  the  pent-up  feelings  of  the  colonists, 
and  expressions  of  gratitude  to  those  who  had  aided  in 
the  repeal  should  have  warned  the  ministry  of  the  deli 
cate  ground  they  were  treading.  The  assertion  of  the 
right  to  control  the  dependencies  in  all  things  was  per 
mitted  to  pass  as  a  mere  assertion  of  a  power,  without 
an  expectation  that  it  would  be  exercised ;  least  of  all 
applied  in  a  manner  certain  to  again  arouse  and  embit 
ter  the  antagonism  to  the  original  act.  The  momentary 
relief  was  grateful  to  the  serious-minded  Washington. 
"  Unseasonable  as  it  may  be,  to  take  any  notice  of  the 
repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act  at  this  time,  yet  I  cannot  help 
observing,  that  a  contrary  measure  would  have  intro 
duced  very  unhappy  consequences.  Those,  therefore, 
who  wisely  foresaw  such  an  event,  and  were  instru 
mental  in  procuring  the  repeal  of  the  act,  are,  in  my 
opinion,  deservedly  entitled  to  the  thanks  of  the  well- 
wishers  to  Britain  and  her  colonies,  and  must  reflect 
with  pleasure,  that,  through  their  means,  many  scenes 


The  Revolution  153 

of  confusion  and  distress  have  been  prevented.  Mine 
they  accordingly  have,  and  always  shall  have,  for  their 
opposition  to  any  act  of  oppression  ;  and  that  act  could 
be  looked  upon  in  no  other  light  by  every  person,  who 
would  view  it  in  its  proper  colors." 

Quieted  only  for  a  time,  the  alarm  of  the  colonies 
again  broke  out  two  years  later  against  the  duties  im 
posed  by  Parliament  on  certain  commodities  sent  to 
America.  The  non-importation  agreement  of  the  mer 
chants  of  Philadelphia,  taken  reluctantly  and  only  under 
great  pressure,  went  into  Virginia  as  a  model  to  be  imi 
tated.  The  resolution  reached  the  hands  of  Washing 
ton  before  the  May  session  of  the  Burgesses,  and  he 
turned  to  his  friend  and  able  adviser,  George  Mason, 
for  suggestions.  Not  that  he  was  without  ideas  of  his 
own,  ideas  certainly  in  accord  with  those  of  the  ad 
vanced  of  his  day.  How  could  their  "  lordly  masters  in 
Great  Britain  "  be  hindered  in  their  attempt  to  deprive 
America  of  its  liberty?  "  That  no  man  should  scruple, 
or  hesitate  a  moment,  to  use  atrms  in  defence  of  so  val 
uable  a  blessing,  on  which  all  the  good  and  evil  of  life 
depends,  is  clearly  my  opinion.  Yet  a-rms,  I  would  beg< 
leave  to  add,  should  be  the  last  resource."  He  ap 
proved  the  scheme  of  closing  importations,  although 
the  difficulties  in  the  way  of  a  full  compliance  were 
greater  in  the  tobacco  colonies  than  in  those  to  the 
north  of  them.  Only  a  complete  stoppage  of  trade 
could  accomplish  the  desired  end  ;  and  if  any  do  not 
come  into  an  association  or  agreement  not  to  buy  im 
ported  goods,  they  "  ought  to  be  stigmatized,  and  made 
the  objects  of  public  reproach."  The  poverty  of  the 
people  favored  the  plan,  for  enforced  economy,  he 


154  George  Washington 

firmly  believed,  would  do  more  to  extricate  the  country 
from  its  distresses  than  any  other  one  measure. 

It  was  Mason  who  drew  up  the  Association  which 
Washington  carried  to  the  Assembly.  Protesting  against 
the  stamp  duties,  the  signers  bound  themselves  to  en 
courage  industry  and  frugality,  by  discouraging  all 
manner  of  luxury  and  extravagance ;  to  refrain  from 
importing  or  purchasing  any  imported  article  taxed  by 
the  act  of  Parliament ;  to  countermand  orders  for  goods 
already  given  ;  not  to  import  slaves  or  wines,  or  pur 
chase  any  that  should  be  imported. 

Lord  Botetourt,  meeting  the  Burgesses  for  the  first 
time,  was  alarmed  by  certain  of  their  resolutions  dan 
gerous  to  the  prerogative  of  the  King,  and  dissolved 
the  Assembly.  Meeting  at  the  house  of  Anthony  Hay, 
the  Burgesses  adopted  Mason's  Association.  Washing 
ton  was  one  of  the  signers,  and  on  the  following  night 
went  to  the  Governor's  palace  to  celebrate  the  Queen's 
birthnight.  Finding  some  obstacles  to  the  observance  of 
the  Association,  a  new  one  was  circulated  in  1770,  more 
carefully  drawn,  yet  somewhat  relaxed  in  its  provisions. 

Washington  strictly  conformed  to  the  engagements 
entered  into,  and  wrote  to  his  agents  :  "  If  there  are 
any  articles  contained  in  either  of  the  respective  invoices 
(paper  only  excepted)  which  are  taxed  by  act  of  Parlia 
ment  for  the  purpose  of  raising  a  revenue  in  America, 
it  is  my  express  desire  and  request,  that  they  may  not 
be  sent,  as  I  have  very  heartily  entered  into  an  associa 
tion  not  to  import  any  article  which  now  is,  or  hereafter 
shall  be  taxed  for  this  purpose  until  the  said  act  or  acts 
are  repealed.  I  am  therefore  particular  in  mention 
ing  this  matter,  as  I  am  fully  determined  to  adhere 


The  Revolution  155 

religiously  to  it,  and  may  perhaps  have  wrote  for  some 
things  unwittingly  which  may  be  under  these  circum 
stances."  The  merchants  of  other  colonies  began  to 
import,  and  as  the  success  of  the  prohibition  depended 
upon  its  being  universally  observed,  the  plan  failed, 
leaving  a  legacy  of  disputes  and  charges  of  bad  faith. 

The  English  ministry  had  not  exhausted  its  powers 
of  annoying  the  colonies  with  assertions  of  its  suprem 
acy,  and  the  situation  at  Boston  gave  it  a  new  opening. 
The  refusal  by  all  the  colonies  to  receive  the  hated 
taxed  tea,  which  represented  to  them  an  exercise  of 
tyranny,  and  its  destruction  at  Boston,  brought  matters 
to  a  head  both  in  America  and  in  England.  Massachu 
setts  appealed  to  her  sister  provinces,  and  Parliament 
followed  the  lead  of  the  King  in  punishing  her  after  a 
manner  entirely  beyond  the  deserts  of  her  conduct.  To 
close  the  port,  to  suspend  all  government,  and  to  de 
prive  the  people  of  the  right  to  defend  themselves 
against  attack  and  injustice,  were  measures  more  suited 
to  a  despotic  government  in  the  East,  than  to  one  that 
prided  itself  upon  being  more  liberal  than  any  of  the 
European  powers.  The  news  of  these  harsh  measures 
went  through  the  colonies,  already  prepared  by  their 
committees  of  correspondence,  and  long  anxious  over 
the  possibilities  of  action  on  the  part  of  the  mother 
country.  It  found  the  Burgesses  of  Virginia  in  session, 
but  no  state  of  preparedness  could  prevent  a  feeling  of 
"  infinite  astonishment  and  equal  resentment "  at  the 
form  of  the  Parliament's  action.  A  day  of  fasting  and 
prayer  was  appointed,  leading  to  the  dissolution  of  the 
Assembly.  Washington  noted  in  his  diary  on  June  ist, 
"  Went  to  church  and  fasted  all  day." 


156  George  Washington 

On  the  day  after  the  Assembly  had  been  dissolved 
by  the  Governor,  eighty-nine  of  the  members  met  in 
the  long  room  of  the  Raleigh  tavern,  known  as  the 
Apollo,  and  drew  up  an  Association,  reciting  their  griev 
ances  against  Great  Britain,  recommending  the  disuse 
of  East  India  products,  and,  accepting  the  cause  of 
Boston  as  their  own,  recommended  a  general  congress. 
This  irregularly  constituted  body  then  adjourned. 
Washington's  course,  for  he  was  present,  did  not  affect 
his  relations  to  the  royal  representatives.  He  dined  on 
this  day  with  the  Treasurer  of  the  colony,  and  in  the 
evening  attended  the  ball  given  by  the  Burgesses  to 
Lady  Dunmore.  The  attitude  was  one  of  conciliation, 
and  Lord  Dunmore  was  assured  by  some  of  the  Bur 
gesses  that  they  accepted  the  first  resolution  without  a 
full  appreciation  of  its  scope.  Otherwise,  they  said,  its 
fate  would  have  been  different.  After  the  ball,  the 
people's  representatives  appear  to  have  scattered,  most 
of  them  leaving  Williamsburg  for  their  homes. 

Among  those  remaining  were  Peyton  Randolph,  who 
had  acted  as  moderator  at  the  Raleigh  meeting,  and 
Washington,  who  was  detained  by  a  wish  to  visit  the 
Bassetts.  Sunday,  the  2gth  of  May,  letters  were  re 
ceived  from  Boston,  recommending  a  union  of  the  south 
ern  colonies  against  the  vigorous  and  unconstitutional 
measures  of  the  ministry.  Randolph  issued  a  call,  and 
on  Monday  twenty-five  of  the  Burgesses  again  met  and 
united  in  a  letter  inviting  the  members  of  the  late  House 
of  Burgesses  to  meet  at  Williamsburg  on  August  ist, 
a  very  unusual  step  to  take,  as  the  Governor  alone,  or 
his  representative,  had  in  the  past  issued  such  a  sum 
mons.  Nothing  further  could  be  done,  and  it  only 


The  Revolution  157 

remained  to  await  the  effect  of  these  decidedly  radical 
measures.  Washington,  having  taken  full  part  in  every 
thing  that  was  done,  went  with  Mrs.  Washington  to 
Eltham,  but  early  returned  to  the  capital  to  attend, 
among  other  duties,  a  meeting  of  the  society  for  pro 
moting  useful  knowledge.  On  the  i6th  he  dined  with 
Lord  Dunmore,  who,  by  this  time,  had  become  con 
vinced  that  the  loyalty  and  affection  publicly  declared 
by  many  of  the  families  of  distinction,  would  avail  but 
little  against  the  turbulence  and  prejudice  prevailing 
throughout  the  country.  He  could  not  yet  denounce 
the  Burgesses  as  rebels,  but  he  could  see  that  the  leader 
ship  had  passed  from  those  who  had  always  been  on  the 
King's  side  to  those  who,  like  Henry,  had  not  hesitated 
to  talk  treason  —  if  any  criticism  of  royalty  be  treason. 

The  inhabitants  of  Fairfax  County  appointed  dele 
gates  to  attend  a  colonial  convention,  and  in  resolutions 
drawn  by  George  Mason,  expressed  their  policy.  To 
cease  the  importing  of  British  products  was  the  one 
step  promising  relief,  and  Washington  hoped  there  was 
enough  public  virtue  to  deny  themselves  everything  but 
the  bare  necessaries  of  life  to  accomplish  this  end. 

On  August  ist  a  convention  of  delegates  from  the 
counties  of  Virginia  met  at  Williamsburg,  and  elected 
delegates  to  represent  the  colony  in  the  general  con 
gress  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia.  The  choice  fell  upon 
a  very  strong  set  of  representatives,  men  worthy  to 
stand  by  the  side  of  those  from  any  colony.  Peyton 
Randolph  was  a  trained  parliamentarian,  and  his  name 
and  experience  carried  weight.  Richard  Henry  Lee  was 
one  of  the  younger  leaders  of  the  Burgesses,  eloquent 
and  learned  in  the  law  and  principles  of  government. 


158  George  Washington 

Washington,  third  in  the  list,  was  chosen  for  his 
military  career  and  for  his  solid  qualities  that  had 
brought  him  to  the  front  in  his  own  colony.  Without 
any  of  the  orator's  gifts,  and  with  little  knowledge  of 
the  theories  of  the  relations  of  dependency  to  mother 
country,  over  which  there  was  so  much  refining,  he 
absorbed  enough  from  others  to  understand  the  issue, 
and  his  common  sense  prevented  him  from  making  wild 
deductions  from  or  applications  of  the  catch-phrases  of 
agitation.  Patrick  Henry  had  won  a  right  to  be  on 
the  delegation  through  his  remarkable  eloquence,  to 
the  quality  of  which  two  such  different  judges  as 
Thomas  Jefferson  and  George  Mason  bore  witness. 
The  want  of  a  substantial  foundation  for  his  repute 
was  not  felt  at  a  time  when  the  great  object  was  to 
arouse  the  people.  Richard  Bland  knew  the  history 
of  Virginia  as  few  men  of  his  time  knew  it,  and  in  con 
troversial  writing  stood  high  among  those  who  had  seen 
this  side  of  his  activity.  Benjamin  Harrison  was  the 
least  of  the  men  associated  with  him,  and  enjoyed  a 
standing  much  above  his  merits.  Neither  as  a  member 
of  Congress  nor  as  Governor  did  he  fulfil  the  promise 
of  his  admirers.  Edmund  Pendleton  closed  the  list,  a 
man  as  much  underrated  as  Harrison  was  overpraised, 
yet  by  no  means  a  great  man.  His  knowledge  of  the 
law  was  good,  and  he  had  a  ready  pen  ;  but  he  had  not 
the  learning  of  Bland  nor  the  somewhat  ponderous 
influence  of  Randolph.  Altogether  it  was  a  notable 
delegation,  bringing  high  credit  on  the  colony. 

On  the  afternoon  of  August  3Oth,  Pendleton,  Henry, 
and  Mason  met  at  Mount  Vernon  and  spent  the  night. 
It  was  Mason  who  had  drawn  the  Fairfax  resolutions, 


The  Revolution  159 

and  his  influence  was  strong  in  directing  Virginia  senti 
ment.  Yet  Henry  was  even  more  powerful,  for  he 
could  sway  men's  judgment  by  his  eloquence,  transmu 
ting  into  electrical  energy  the  calm  and  legally  phrased 
ideas  of  Mason  and  Pendleton.  On  the  following  day, 
after  dinner,  the  three  delegates  to  the  Congress  set 
out  for  Philadelphia.  They  passed  through  Annapolis, 
through  New  Castle,  and  through  Chester,  but  nowhere 
was  any  demonstration  met.  Unlike  their  more  notori 
ous  colleagues  from  Massachusetts,  their  progress  was 
not  marked  by  the  assembling  of  curious  or  enthusiastic 
crowds,  or  by  the  attention  of  the  local  militia.  The 
northerners  were  martyrs  to  the  cause ;  but  the  south 
erners  held  in  their  power  the  remedy  for  the  evils  so 
much  abhorred  and  pressing  so  heavily  on  Massachu 
setts. 

The  Congress  met  and  the  most  powerful  influence 
soon  made  itself  felt.  The  men  from  Boston  were 
looked  upon  as  the  radicals,  as  in  danger  of  going  too 
far  in  their  efforts  to  obtain  recognition  among  the 
colonies  and  redress  from  England.  They  had  been 
warned  to  be  moderate,  and  not  show  the  full  strength 
of  the  feeling  of  injury  so  bitterly  resented.  They  had 
a  claim  on  the  pity  of  their  sister  colonists,  but  they 
could  not  be  expected  to  have  their  utmost  wishes  im 
plicitly  fulfilled.  There  were  other  matters  at  issue 
besides  their  oppression,  and  they  must  follow  the 
counsels  of  the  majority.  Coming  with  this  somewhat 
subdued  manner,  it  did  not  take  them  long  to  discover 
that  at  least  Virginia  could  be  counted  upon  as  an  ally  in 
almost  any  venture.  Lee  and  Henry  were  as  advanced 
in  their  opinions  as  either  of  the  Adamses,  and  such 


160  George  Washington 

congenial  minds  soon  came  into  a  united  effort.  Vir 
ginia  was  recognized  by  the  choice  of  Peyton  Randolph 
as  president ;  and  to  secure  the  good  will  of  a  middle 
colony,  Charles  Thomson  was  made  the  secretary. 
The  petition  to  the  King  and  an  association  on  im 
ports  and  exports  were  the  vital  features  of  the  prod 
ucts  of  the  Congress. 

The  proceedings  of  the  Continental  Congress  were 
approved  by  Virginia,  and  the  association  was  readily 
accepted.  Committees  were  chosen  in  each  county  to 
enforce  its  provisions,  and  their  acts  were  not  always 
consonant  with  justice  or  humanity.  Independent  com 
panies  were  raised,  nominally  to  protect  these  commit 
tees  and  carry  into  execution  their  decrees ;  but  in 
reality  there  was  the  possibility  of  their  being  used 
against  government  if  occasion  required.  The  courts  of 
justice  were  closed,  and  affairs  took  on  a  very  disagree 
able  aspect.  It  was  asserted  in  December  that  a  thou 
sand  men  had  been  raised  in  the  territory  lying  between 
the  Rappahannock  and  the  Potomac  rivers,  and  were 
under  the  command  of  Washington.  It  is  certain  that 
Washington,  in  November,  was  ordering  muskets,  uni 
forms  and  drum  colors  from  Philadelphia,  for  the  com 
pany  of  Dumfries  County.  In  February,  1775,  the 
citizens  of  Fairfax  County  met  to  enroll  their  militia 
and  levy  a  tax  to  defray  the  expenses.  Washington 
presided  over  the  meeting,  but  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  chosen  to  command  this  force.  One  month  later 
Richmond  County  asked  him  to  take  command  of  their 
companies  should  they  "  be  obliged  to  have  recourse  to 
arms  to  defend  their  king  and  country."  The  martial 
spirit  was  abroad  in  the  colony,  extorting  praise  even 


The  Revolution  161 

from  the  shallow  and  interested  English  officer,  Charles 
Lee.  "  Virginia  and  Maryland  ride  most  noble  mettled 
coursers.  But  to  drop  this  jockey  metaphor,  they  are  a 
noble  spirited  people.  Never  was  such  vigor  and  con 
cord  heard  of,  not  a  single  traitor,  scarcely  a  silent 
dissentient.  The  whole  country  is  full  of  soldiers,  all 
furnished,  all  in  arms." 

In  this  situation  the  convention  of  Virginia  assem 
bled  in  the  old  church  in  the  town  of  Richmond.  The 
acts  and  papers  of  the  general  Congress  were  approved, 
and  thanks  were  given  to  the  delegates  from  the  colony 
who  had  aided  in  the  deliberations  of  that  body.  On 
March  23d  Patrick  Henry  introduced  resolutions  for 
arming  the  colony,  by  constituting  the  militia.  The 
act  of  raising  a  force  meant  war,  for  the  reasons  given 
were  inadequate  to  explain,  if  the  troops  were  for  colo 
nial  use  only.  Henry  ridiculed  the  idea  of  peace  when 
there  was  no  peace,  and  insisted  on  the  duty  of  prepar 
ing  for  war.  So  extreme  views  were  not  acceptable  to 
the  more  conservative  members.  Washington,  wrote 
a  contemporary,  "was  prominent,  though  silent,"  and 
was  elected  a  delegate  to  the  second  Continental  Con 
gress. 

The  King's  speech  contained  no  conciliatory  thought, 
and  the  addresses  of  the  two  Houses  of  Parliament  in 
reply  gave  out  no  other  note  than  one  of  perfect  loyalty 
to  the  King  and  a  desire  to  support  his  wishes,  what 
ever  they  might  be.  The  minds  of  the  Virginians  when 
these  papers  reached  them  were  much  disturbed,  and 
this  in  spite  of  certain  private  information  from  London 
of  a  willingness  on  the  part  of  the  ministry  to  change 
their  ground,  from  a  conviction  that  forcible  measures 


1 62  George  Washington 

could  not  be  adequate  to  the  end  designed.  Washing 
ton's  stand  was  already  taken.  "  It  is  my  full  intention 
to  devote  my  life  and  fortune  in  the  cause  we  are  en 
gaged  in,  if  needful."  Reconciliation  with  the  parent 
country  was  ardently  desired ;  but  it  was  not  to  be  pur 
chased  at  the  expense  of  liberty  and  the  sacred  compacts 
of  government. 

The  second  Congress  was  of  a  less  conciliatory 
mind,  for  Lexington  and  Concord  had  made  war  inevi 
table.  A  motley  force,  hastily  gathered  in  New  Eng 
land,  was  holding  Gage  and  his  troops  in  check  in 
Boston,  and  had  assumed  the  offensive  so  far  as  to 
occupy  Bunker  Hill.  If  the  struggle  was  to  be  contin 
ued  the  other  colonies  must  assist.  Congress  adopted 
the  army  before  Boston  as  its  own,  and  determined  to 
appoint  a  general.  Political  considerations  were  promi 
nent,  and  Massachusetts  yielded  to  Virginia,  the  more 
readily  as  so  able  a  man  could  be  named.  Thomas 
Johnson  of  Maryland  nominated  Washington,  after 
John  Adams  had  pointed  him  out  as  a  choice  grateful  to 
Massachusetts ;  and  upon  counting  the  votes,  the  vote 
was  found  to  be  unanimous  in  his  favor. 

Washington  was  not  a  ready  writer,  much  less  a 
ready  speaker.  A  night  was  allowed  to  elapse  after  the 
result  of  the  ballot  was  ascertained,  before  an  official 
announcement  of  his  election  was  made  to  Washington. 
In  the  evening,  he  engaged  his  friend  and  colleague, 
Edmund  Pendleton,  to  prepare  a  few  words  of  accept 
ance,  and  the  next  morning  the  form  of  tendering  and 
accepting  the  appointment  was  performed.  "  Though 
I  am  truly  sensible  of  the  high  honor  done  me,  in  this  ap 
pointment,  yet  I  feel  great  distress,  from  a  consciousness 


The  Revolution  163 

that  my  abilities  and  military  experience  may  not  be 
equal  to  the  extensive  and  important  trust.  However, 
as  the  Congress  desire  it,  I  will  enter  upon  the  mo 
mentous  duty,  and  exert  every  power  I  possess  in  their 
service,  and  for  the  support  of  the  glorious  cause.  I 
beg  they  will  accept  my  most  cordial  thanks  for  this  dis 
tinguished  testimony  of  their  approbation. 

"  But,  lest  some  unlucky  event  should  happen,  un 
favorable  to  my  reputation,  I  beg  it  may  be  remembered 
by  every  gentleman  in  the  room,  that  I,  this  day,  de 
clare  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  I  do  not  think  myself 
equal  to  the  command  I  am  honored  with."  To  prove 
his  sincerity  he  set  aside  any  wish  of  profit  by  receiving 
a  salary,  asking  that  only  his  reasonable  expenses  be 
discharged  by  the  Continent.  If  the  words  of  this 
speech  are  not  Washington's  own,  the  sentiments  are 
unmistakably  his. 

The  new  responsibilities  implied  a  complete  break 
with  his  home  life.  The  scene*  of  action  was  in  the  far 
east,  and  occupied  a  field  and  time  to  which  no  one 
could  set  a  limit.  Communication  would  be  difficult, 
perhaps  impossible,  as  it  must  be  conducted  by  sea 
and  rivers,  and  Great  Britain  was  assured  of  a  com 
mand  of  these.  He  therefore  set  his  house  in  order 
against  a  long  absence,  and  sought  to  provide  against 
every  contingency.  By  the  hand  of  Pendleton  he  made 
a  will,  explaining  to  his  wife  that  common  prudence 
dictated  the  necessity  of  settling  his  temporal  concerns, 
while  it  was  in  his  power,  and  while  the  mind  was  calm  and 
undisturbed.  He  resigned  his  commands  in  the  various 
independent  companies  of  Virginia,  urging  them  by 
no  means  to  relax  in  their  discipline,  as  there  was  no 


164  George  Washington 

saying  their  services  might  not  be  required.  To  his 
brother,  John  Augustine,  he  wrote  seriously  and  man 
fully.  "  I  am  embarked  on  a  wide  ocean,  boundless  in 
its  prospect,  and  in  which,  perhaps,  no  safe  harbor  is  to 
be  found."  To  him  he  confides  his  wife.  "  I  shall  hope 
that  my  friends  will  visit  and  endeavor  to  keep  up  the 
spirits  of  my  wife,  as  much  as  they  can,  for  my  depar 
ture  will,  I  know,  be  a  cutting  stroke  upon  her ;  and  on 
this  account  alone  I  have  many  disagreeable  sensations. 
I  hope  that  you  and  my  sister,  although  the  distance  is 
great,  will  find  so  much  time  this  summer  as  to  spend  a 
little  of  it  at  Mount  Vernon."  To  his  wife,  in  one  of 
the  few  letters  addressed  to  her  that  have  escaped  de 
struction,  he  wrote  without  reserve,  and  from  the  heart. 
After  announcing  the  determination  of  Congress  he 
continued : 

"  You  may  believe  me,  my  dear  Patsy,  when  I  assure 
you,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that,  so  far  from  seek 
ing  this  appointment,  I  have  used  every  endeavor  in 
my  power  to  avoid  it,  not  only  from  my  unwillingness 
to  part  with  you  and  the  family,  but  from  a  conscious 
ness  of  its  being  a  trust  too  great  for  my  capacity,  and 
that  I  should  enjoy  more  real  happiness  in  one  month 
with  you  at  home,  than  I  have  the  most  distant  pros 
pect  of  finding  abroad,  if  my  stay  were  to  be  seven 
times  seven  years.  But  as  it  has  been  a  kind  of  destiny, 
that  has  thrown  me  upon  this  service,  I  shall  hope  that 
my  undertaking  it  is  designed  to  answer  some  good 
purpose.  You  might,  and  I  suppose  did  perceive,  from 
the  tenor  of  my  letters,  that  I  was  apprehensive  I  could 
not  avoid  this  appointment,  as  I  did  not  pretend  to 
intimate  when  I  should  return.  That  was  the  case.  It 


The  Revolution  165 

was  utterly  out  of  my  power  to  refuse  this  appointment, 
without  exposing  my  character  to  such  censures,  as 
would  have  reflected  dishonor  upon  myself,  and  given 
pain  to  my  friends.  This  I  am  sure,  could  not,  and 
ought  not,  to  be  pleasing  to  you,  and  must  have  lessened 
me  considerably  in  my  own  esteem." 

The  Congress  pledged  themselves  to  sustain  Wash 
ington  with  their  lives  and  fortunes.  They  selected 
those  who  were  to  aid  him  in  the  command — not  making 
very  wise  selections,  it  must  be  added.  Artemas  Ward 
was  named  the  first  of  the  major-generals,  a  man  of 
high  character,  of  some  repute  as  a  soldier,  but  beyond 
the  period  of  enterprising  activity.  For  the  second  of 
this  rank  was  taken  Charles  Lee,  an  Englishman  of 
much  self-advertised  renown  in  military  service  and 
travels  in  foreign  lands.  He  had  some  merit,  but  so 
many  affectations  as  to  make  it  strange  his  merit  should 
not  have  been  measured  before  taken  at  his  own  word. 
A  gift  of  making  an  impression  upon  others  was  his 
main  support,  and  a  loud,  though  somewhat  harsh, 
shouting  for  liberty  gave  him  a  claim  to  recognition. 
This  claim  was  further  strengthened  by  the  heavy  sacri 
fices  he  intended  to  make  for  the  cause  if  they  were 
partially  compensated  by  direct  grants  of  money.  By 
the  side  of  his  Commander-in-chief  Lee  looked  small 
from  the  start,  but  he  was  at  least  consistent  in  pursuing 
his  personal  interests,  even  to  overreaching  himself. 

To  another  Englishman  was  given  the  office  of  ad 
jutant-general,  an  important  functionary  in  the  disci 
plining  of  an  army.  Of  Horatio  Gates  a  few  glimpses 
are  caught  in  the  war  with  the  French,  and  he  was 
known  to  Washington  in  that  service.  His  claims  to  a 


1 66  George  Washington 

high  appointment  were  shadowy,  unless  a  motive  other 
than  military  be  admitted.  His  character  was  thought 
well  of  among  the  Virginia  delegation,  and  through 
their  influence  he  obtained  his  wish.  It  was  excusable 
to  make  some  erroneous  judgments  of  persons  when 
every  detail  of  an  unusual  nature  must  be  met  with  the 
material  at  hand.  These  errors  became  more  marked 
as  the  appointments  were  made.  The  number  of  major- 
generals  was  doubled,  so  as  to  provide  for  four.  A 
geographical  consideration  led  to  the  selection  of  Philip 
Schuyler,  for  he  represented  a  powerful  interest  in  New 
York,  had  shown  himself  capable  in  many  positions, 
and  was  expressly  recommended  for  the  appointment 
by  the  New  York  congress.  So  far  as  personal  fitness 
was  concerned  no  better  choice  could  have  been  made  ; 
so  far  as  factional  opposition  developed  few  less  fortu 
nate  could  have  been  named.  It  was  at  once  his  fortune 
and  his  misfortune  that  he  proved  his  right  to  the  posi 
tion  while  never  reaping  its  reward.  The  fourth  of  the 
major-generals  was  Israel  Putnam,  of  Connecticut. 
Next  to  Ward,  he  could  show  the  best  record  of  actual 
service,  and  round  his  blunt  and  somewhat  uncouth 
character  has  gathered  a  veil  of  misty  legend  that  has 
served  to  hide  his  very  positive  limitations,  and  a  weak 
ness  that  has  given  color  even  to  charges  of  disloyalty. 
Of  the  four  men  thus  appointed,  one  was  an  open  ad 
venturer  ;  one  had  the  wish  but  not  the  opportunity  to 
be  worthy  of  the  highest  honors  Congress  could  give ; 
one  was  too  old  and  conservative  to  make  a  successful 
commander,  and  one  was  a  man  who  did  fairly  well  on 
occasion,  held  responsible  commands  without  meeting 
to  the  full  the  expectations  of  his  commander.  Some 


The  Revolution  167 

years  of  actual  service  were  required  to  demonstrate  the 
decidedly  weak  character  of  the  appointments. 

Of  the  eight  who  obtained  commissions  as  brigadier- 
generals,  only  one,  Richard  Montgomery,  came  from  a 
province  outside  of  New  England,  and  he  was  destined 
to  meet  a  noble  end  early  in  the  war.  There  was  a  rea 
sonable  plea  for  thus  admitting  so  many  from  the  east, 
as  the  operations  of  the  war  with  the  French  had  cen 
tred  in  the  north,  Canada  being  the  objective  point. 
The  troops  engaged  had  been  raised  and  officered  in 
New  England,  and  the  latest  experience  of  actual  cam 
paigning  was  to  be  found  in  that  section  of  America. 
Further,  New  York  was  good  Tory  land,  and  the  pa 
triots  had  found  it  difficult  to  arouse  any  real  feeling  on 
their  side.  The  mob  of  New  York  —  meaning  that  part 
of  the  population  that  lent  itself  readily  to  any  public 
demonstration  —  was  ready  to  shout  for  the  King  in  the 
morning,  and  for  Liberty  in  the  afternoon,  with  no  sense 
of  inconsistency.  The  more  southern  colonies  had  had 
their  contests  with  the  Indians,  but  no  service  so  contin 
uous  as  to  produce  exceptional  leaders.  Thus  the  choice 
of  so  many  from  New  England  was  defensible. 

The  names  actually  taken  were  selected  for  much  the 
same  reason  —  service  in  the  past.  Unfortunately  for 
such  a  test,  the  conditions  that  prevailed  from  1758  to 
1 762  were  not  favorable  to  producing  military  qualities 
of  a  high  order.  The  regulars  looked  upon  the  provin 
cials  as  beneath  them  in  rank,  in  social  qualifications, 
and  in  possibilities  of  service.  They  could  never  make 
arms  a  profession,  and  thus  they  were  regarded  as  acci 
dents,  to  be  tolerated,  rather  than  encouraged.  Their 
leaders  were  mortified  by  having  their  claims  on  account 


1 68  George  Washington 

of  good  service  passed  over,  and  yet  the  hardest  duties 
and  anxieties  of  the  campaign  fell  upon  them.  The 
sense  of  discipline  was  less  among  the  provincials,  and 
their  restlessness  under  the  restraints  of  army  life  and 
their  many,  and  sometimes  serious,  infractions  of  mili 
tary  rule  called  down  punishments  and  reprimands  held 
to  be  far  in  excess  of  the  offense,  not  infrequently  the 
unconscious  act  of  a  man  accustomed  to  perfect  freedom 
and  equality.  These  surroundings  and  influences  made 
a  poor  school  for  soldiers  and  officers,  and  few  of  the 
colonial  officers  attained  more  than  a  reputation  for 
mediocre  talent. 

Yet  these  were  the  men  now  made  into  brigadier- 
generals,  a  rank  exercising  grave  responsibilities.  The 
mere  names  convey  a  suggestion  of  the  strength,  or 
want  of  strength,  in  these  appointments  :  Seth  Pomroy, 
David  Wooster,  and  Joseph  Spencer,  of  Connecticut ; 
Richard  Montgomery,  of  New  York;  William  Heath 
and  John  Thomas,  of  Massachusetts ;  John  Sullivan,  of 
New  Hampshire,  and  Nathanael  Greene,  of  Rhode  Isl 
and.  Montgomery  attained  martyrdom.  Apart  from 
his  name,  one  only  of  the  list  proved  worthy — Nathan 
ael  Greene.  Some  were  unfortunate,  some  were  able 
on  a  small  scale,  some  were  very  unfit.  With  such  as 
sistants,  not  one  of  whom  did  he  know  personally  in  a 
manner  to  judge  their  capacity  either  to  obey  or  to 
lead,  Washington  entered  upon  his  trying  duties.  John 
Adams,  more  ready  now  than  later  to  admit  the  better 
qualities  of  other  men,  thought  the  conduct  of  Wash 
ington  was  "  charming."  Leaving  his  home  and  retire 
ment,  to  enter  upon  a  cause  where  his  all  was  in  hazard, 
and  with  views  noble  and  disinterested  —  it  made  a 


The  Revolution  169 

pleasing  presentation.  What  could  not  be  seen,  and  it 
made  a  necessary  part  of  the  picture,  were  the  errors  com 
mitted  in  selecting  his  agents  and  assistants. 

At  the  City  Tavern  was  given  a  supper  to  Washing 
ton  on  the  evening  of  June  22d,  by  a  small  number  of 
the  citizens.  He  had  passed  the  morning  in  reviewing 
the  city  companies,  and  the  troop  of  light  horse  accom 
panied  him  a  part  of  his  journey  on  the  following  day. 
With  him  were  Schuyler  and  Lee,  Mifflin,  soon  to  be 
appointed  quartermaster-general  of  the  army,  and  Jo 
seph  Reed,  named  as  his  secretary.  Near  Trenton 
they  were  met  by  a  courier  bearing  despatches  to  Con 
gress,  containing  the  news  of  Bunker  Hill.  New  York 
welcomed  on  the  same  day  the  Commander-in-chief  of 
the  Continental  army,  and  the  royal  governor,  just  re 
turning  from  a  mission  to  England  in  the  interests  of 
the  colony.  Conferences  with  the  provincial  congress, 
with  Wooster,  and  with  Schuyler,  did  not  delay  his  prog 
ress,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  July  2d  he  reached  the 
camp  at  Cambridge.  The  formal  ceremony  of  taking 
the  command  of  the  Continental  army  was  performed 
on  the  morning  of  July  3d. 

Who  was  the  man  thus  honored  ?  Few  in  the  colo 
nies  could  have  answered  the  question.  His  name  was 
known  to  many,  his  deeds  to  a  few,  his  personal  charac 
ter  to  a  very  small  number,  not  many  of  whom  were 
outside  of  Virginia.  Some  knew  of  him  as  a  soldier, 
and  on  the  vaguest  of  information  fell  into  the  plan  of 
making  him  the  general  of  the  army.  H  is  personality  had 
made  an  impression  on  Congress,  and  the  inner  circle 
of  his  friends  were  confident  of  his  ability  to  do  what 
would  fall  to  his  share.  Outside  of  this  small  body, 


170  George  Washington 

ignorance  even  of  the  main  facts  of  his  career  prevailed, 
and  in  England  the  wildest  assumptions  found  believ 
ers.  The  London  Chronicle,  in  its  wish  to  enlighten 
the  public,  was  not  more  misleading  than  others,  and 
was  really  interesting  in  its  effort  to  conceal  its  want  of 
knowledge.  "  General  Washington  was  born  at  Coven 
try  about  the  year  1 709,  his  father  having  settled  there 
from  Boston  in  Lincolnshire,  the  beginning  of  Queen 
Ann's  reign.  His  mother  was  a  niece  to  the  famous 
General  Monk,  afterwards  Duke  of  Albemarle.  At 
1 8  he  began  a  military  life,  by  entering  himself  as  a  pri 
vate  in  Wade's  troop  of  horse  ;  he  afterwards  purchased 
a  cornetcy  in  the  same  troop,  where  he  continued  to 
serve  till  after  the  late  rebellion,  when  the  troop  being 
broke,  he  went  abroad,  and  at  the  beginning  of  the  late 
war  was  promoted  in  America,  where  he  served  in  the 
capacity  of  a  Colonel  with  signal  courage  and  fidelity ; 
which  so  endeared  him  to  that  people,  that  they  unani 
mously  chose  him  to  the  chief  command  upon  the  pres 
ent  contest.  Several  of  his  relations  now  reside  at 
Coventry,  and  a  nephew  of  his  is  a  member  of  that 
corporation." 


CHAPTER  X 


THE    CONTINENTAL    ARMY 


AVING  taken  command,  Washing 
ton  issued  his  first  general  order : 
"  The  Continental  Congress,  hav 
ing  now  taken  all  the  Troops  of 
the  several  Colonies,  which  have 
been  raised  for  the  support  and 
defence  of  the  Liberties  of  Amer 
ica  ;  into  their  Pay  and  Service  :  They  are  now  the 
Troops  of  the  United  Provinces  of  North  America ; 
and  it  is  hoped  that  all  Distinction  of  Colonies  will  be 
laid  aside  ;  so  that  one  and  the  same  spirit  may  animate 
the  whole,  and  the  only  Contest  be,  who  shall  render, 
on  this  great  and  trying  occasion,  the  most  essential 
Service  to  the  great  and  common  cause  in  which  we  are 
all  engaged."  The  spirit  of  a  united  army  was  to  be 
attained,  but  how  ? 

The  force  that  was  now  encamped  near  Boston  had 
been  collected  from  the  New  England  colonies  only, 
and  had  been  somewhat  demoralized  by  the  affair  at 
Bunker  Hill.  Daring  as  the  venture  had  been,  it  was 
a  blunder,  and  one  that  might  have  cost  the  Americans 
every  man  engaged  in  it.  To  march  into  a  neck  of 


1 72  George  Washington 

land,  the  only  approach  to  which  was  commanded  from 
the  water;  to  take  no  measures  to  protect  this  ap 
proach,  if  only  to  provide  for  a  retreat ;  to  fortify  a  hill 
that  could  have  been  made  untenable  by  an  attack 
upon  the  rear,  an  entirely  feasible  plan,  was  to  invite 
defeat  and  destruction.  That  this  movement  should 
be  made  by  raw  troops  commanded  not  by  one,  but  by 
two  or  three  leaders,  acting  independently  of  each 
other,  creates  wonder  at  the  rash  undertaking,  appar 
ently  so  hopeless  from  the  start.  The  bravery  of  the 
defense,  and  the  tenacity  with  which  the  trenches  were 
held  until  no  ammunition  remained,  could  not  conceal 
the  fatal  weakness  of  the  intention.  That  some  of  the 
officers  did  not  behave  in  a  soldierly  manner  is  small 
matter  for  surprise,  but  the  effect  was  demoralizing  on 
the  men.  The  benefits  of  the  Bunker  Hill  fight  were 
to  give  the  enemy  an  impression  of  strength,  to  baptize 
with  blood  the  American  force,  and  to  prove  what  raw 
materials  of  an  army  were  present,  ready  for  the  man 
who  should  command. 

To  Washington  his  situation  involved  difficulties. 
The  Virginia  regiment  he  had  commanded  was  com 
posed  of  very  rough  material,  but  it  was  held  in  check 
by  a  difference  in  rank,  maintained  and  established 
with  a  view  to  enforce  discipline.  In  this  the  rules 
only  followed  those  of  the  regular  army,  and  whatever 
little  differences  colonial  conditions  might  introduce, 
the  main  point  was  clear — a  distinction  between  the 
officer  and  the  private.  In  New  England  another  rule 
prevailed  —  that  all  men  were  equal ;  in  a  pure  democ 
racy  the  officer  merely  differed  in  title  from  the  rank 
and  file,  and  was  one  of  them  and  one  with  them  in  all 


The  Continental  Army  173 

things.  The  uniform  could  not  create  a  caste,  and  the 
order  coming  from  an  equal,  and  in  all  probability  a 
long-time  acquaintance,  could  not  carry  the  weight  of 
one  coming  from  a  higher  authority.  The  officers 
mixed  with  the  men  ;  they  even  shared  with  them  in 
messing,  in  tenting,  and  in  routine  work  of  camp  duty. 
They  were  suspected  of  being  unwilling  to  exert  them 
selves  in  enforcing  orders,  currying  favor  with  the  men 
by  whom  they  were  chosen  and  on  whose  smiles  they 
believed  their  continuance  in  office  depended.  So 
much  ease  and  freedom  were  distasteful  to  the  south 
erner  ;  but  it  was  a  condition  of  which  he  was  not 
made  aware  for  some  time.  The  crudities  of  the  force 
struck  him  from  the  first,  but  he  looked  to  the  zeal  and 
activity  of  the  officers  and  the  docility  and  obedience 
of  the  men  to  work  a  change. 

Before  attention  could  be  given  to  the  internal  or 
ganization  of  the  army,  its  safety  from  attack  must  be 
assured.  The  British  occupied  Bunker  Hill,  and  had 
thrown  up  strong  entrenchments  on  it,  thus  command 
ing  the  one  approach  by  land  to  the  city.  The  mixed 
multitude  of  Americans  were  under  very  little  disci 
pline,  order,  or  government,  and  in  situations  much  ex 
posed  to  attack.  One  part  was  on  Winter  and  Prospect 
hills,  only  a  little  more  than  a  mile  away  from  the  enemy  ; 
another  part  was  at  Cambridge,  about  five  miles  from 
Boston  ;  and  a  third  part  was  at  Roxbury,  in  a  position 
to  watch  the  movements  of  the  British  and  to  guard  the 
entrance  to  the  town.  The  three  positions  were  to  be 
held,  and  required  some  fortifications  ;  but  much  more 
was  needed  to  cut  off  all  communication  between  Boston 
and  the  country,  without  which  the  King's  troops  could 


174  George  Washington 

be  easily  supplied,  and  able  to  stand  any  length  of 
siege.  A  semicircle  of  nine  miles  must  be  guarded  in 
every  part,  and  by  a  force  no  larger  than  that  in  Boston. 
To  reduce  the  prospect  of  a  sortie,  Washington  estab 
lished  his  lines  between  the  Mystic  River  and  Dor 
chester  Point  in  such  a  way  as  to  check  an  advance  into 
the  country.  The  first  returns  of  his  strength  fell  far 
below  his  expectations,  for  all  told  he  was  at  the  head 
of  only  fourteen  thousand  five  hundred  men  fit  for  duty. 
Not  a  regiment  was  at  its  full  number,  and  at  least 
twenty-two  thousand  men  would  be  required  to  main 
tain  the  posts  then  held  and  guard  lines  of  so  great  an 
extent.  Fortunately  the  English  believed  the  force  to 
be  much  larger  than  it  was,  and  by  maintaining  a  bold 
front  this  impression  was  deepened.  So  much  was 
wanting  that  the  letters  of  the  General  partook  of  the 
nature  of  a  list.  There  were  no  competent  engineers  to 
construct  proper  works ;  no  sufficient  quantity  of  tools 
was  at  hand ;  the  number  of  tents  was  below  what  was 
needed;  the  army  could  be  well  supplied  with  provi 
sions  by  a  commissary-general,  were  he  substituted  for 
a  number  of  officers  acting  independently  of  one  another  ; 
other  officers  were  required,  such  as  a  quartermaster- 
general,  a  paymaster-general,  a  commissary  of  musters, 
and  a  commissary  of  artillery.  The  hospital  service 
was  of  little  value.  Above  these  in  importance  was 
the  need  of  a  military  chest.  The  men  were  poorly 
clothed,  many  of  them  being  almost  naked.  Recalling 
his  earlier  experience,  Washington  suggested  hunting 
shirts,  as  cheapest  and  most  easily  obtained.  There 
was  a  political  motive  :  "  I  know  nothing  in  a  specula 
tive  view  more  trivial,  yet  if  put  in  practice  would  have 


The  Continental  Army  175 

a  happier  Tendency  to  unite  the  men,  and  abolish  those 
Provincial  Distinctions  which  lead  to  Jealousy  and 
Dissatisfaction." 

The  jealousies  were  not  confined  to  the  men,  and 
the  appointments  of  the  generals  gave  rise  to  no  little 
heartburnings.  Pomroy  had  left  the  camp,  inspired  in 
feeling  by  some  act  of  the  provincial  congress.  Spencer 
had  also  gone,  sulking  because  Putnam  had  been  given 
a  preference.  Thomas,  an  abler  man  than  either,  felt 
sore  because  he  was  lower  on  the  list  than  Heath.  The 
local  feeling  was  too  strong  to  prevent  this  influence 
among  the  higher  officers,  and  when  the  task  of  organ 
izing  the  army  in  the  lower  divisions  was  seriously 
taken  up,  the  minor  officers  only  imitated  their  supe 
riors.  It  was  difficult  for  them  to  realize  that  the  army 
was  now  upon  a  general  establishment,  and  Congress 
had  unquestioned  authority  to  supersede  and  control 
the  provincial  regulations  and  appointments.  The  very 
idea  of  colony  troops  must  be  abolished  ;  they  were  to 
be  continental,  unhampered  by  any  particular  interest. 
To  Thomas,  about  to  retire  in  a  pet,  Washington  ex 
pressed  himself  freely:  "  In  the  usual  contests  of  em 
pire  and  ambition,  the  conscience  of  a  soldier  has  so 
little  share,  that  he  may  very  properly  insist  upon  his 
claims  of  rank,  and  extend  his  pretensions  even  to 
punctilio  ;  —  but  in  such  a  cause  as  this,  when  the  object 
is  neither  glory  nor  extent  of  territory,  but  a  defense  of 
all  that  is  dear  and  valuable  in  private  and  public  life, 
surely  every  post  ought  to  be  deemed  honorable  in 
which  a  man  can  serve  his  country." 

Back  of  the  troops  was  the  influence  of  each  colony. 
The  command  of  the  sea  gave  the  English  a  notable 


176  George  Washington 

advantage  from  the  first,  in  their  ability  to  make  de 
scents  upon  such  exposed  parts  of  the  coast  as  promised 
to  supply  them  with  forage  and  provisions.  The  mere 
possibilities  of  such  descents  led  to  requests  from  the 
governors  for  permission  to  retain  at  exposed  places 
companies  of  men,  raised  for  continental  purposes. 
Massachusetts  wished  a  detachment  to  be  sent  to  pro 
tect  the  eastern  part  of  the  colony  from  the  ravages  of 
the  enemy,  from  their  plundering  cattle,  sheep,  and 
wood.  Were  such  a  request  granted,  every  town  on 
the  coast,  equally  exposed  to  a  hostile  visitation,  would 
have  an  equal  claim  to  protection.  This  would  divide 
the  army,  expose  it  to  destruction  in  divisions,  and  ac 
complish  no  more  than  a  partial  and  temporary  defense 
of  the  coast,  as  long  before  the  troops  could  reach  the 
scene  of  action  the  enemy  would  have  accomplished  his 
purpose  and  retired.  The  inhabitants  of  Machias  wished 
to  undertake  an  expedition  against  Nova  Scotia ;  but 
Washington  discouraged  it,  not  only  on  the  ground  of 
the  scarcity  of  supplies,  but  also  because  it  would  be  a 
measure  of  conquest,  not  of  defense,  and  might  be  at 
tended  with  very  dangerous  consequences.  Wooster  at 
New  York  was  unwilling  to  despatch  three  regiments  of 
his  command  to  General  Schuyler,  and  wrote  to  Wash 
ington  about  it,  asking  that  other  companies  be  sent  to 
him.  Very  properly  the  Commander-in-chief  refused  to 
interfere,  and  regretted  the  delay  caused  by  Wooster's 
hesitation.  To  every  request  for  local  defense  he  an 
swered  that  the  local  militia  must  be  depended  upon, 
and  to  do  otherwise  would  invite  the  destruction  of  his 
army  and  the  failure  of  every  general  plan.  No  provin 
cial  congress  could,  with  any  propriety,  interfere  with 


The  Continental  Army  177 

the  disposition  of  troops  on  the  continental  establish 
ment,  much  less  control  the  orders  of  any  general 
officer. 

To  make  the  army  truly  continental  some  of  the  ap 
pointments  must  be  placed  outside  of  New  England. 
Regimental  offices  were  properly  due  to  the  colonies  in 
which  the  regiments  were  raised  ;  but  there  were  a  num 
ber  of  other  positions,  general  and  special,  which  re 
quired  peculiar  fitness  and  could  be  given  with  advantage 
to  the  ablest  man,  irrespective  of  his  province.  As  the 
expenses  of  the  war  were  to  be  met  by  all,  it  was  policy 
to  distribute  the  offices  among  the  different  colonies, 
indiscriminately.  To  reserve  them  for  a  few  would  in 
evitably  result  in  creating  jealousy,  and  in  the  end  pro 
ducing  disgust.  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that  a  colony 
would  willingly  yield  its  supposed  right  to  an  office,  but 
the  difficulty  could  be  met  by  reserving  the  appoint 
ments  to  Congress.  "  I  have  taken  the  liberty  of  sug 
gesting  this  matter,  as  I  conceive  the  service  will  be 
infinitely  promoted  thereby ;  as  merit  only,  without  a 
regard  to  country,  will  entitle  a  man  to  preferment,  when, 
and  so  often  as,  vacancies  may  happen."  He  welcomed 
young  Edmund  Randolph,  coming  from  Virginia  with 
a  letter  of  recommendation  on  his  merits,  and  because 
he  "  stands  unconnected  with  either  of  these  govern 
ments  ;  or  with  this,  that,  or  t'  other  man ;  for  between 
you  and  me  there  is  more  in  this  than  you  can  easily 
imagine." 

The  military  problem  was  clear  to  Washington's 
mind.  With  the  force  under  his  command  and  the 
recognized  deficiencies  in  ammunition  and  artillery, 
how  could  it  be  disposed  of  to  the  best  advantage? 


178  George  Washington 

Councillors  were  many,  and  Massachusetts  was  not  back 
ward  in  making  recommendations.  But  the  advice  was 
given  on  a  knowledge  of  only  part  of  the  many  details  to 
be  considered,  and  it  was  to  be  feared  the  enemy  were 
better  informed  of  what  was  being  done  in  the  camp 
than  was  the  provincial  congress  of  Massachusetts.  To 
all  such  advice  consideration  was  given,  and  with  a  full 
knowledge  of  what  must  follow  its  rejection.  "  I  shall 
be  accused  of  inattention  to  the  public  service,  and  per 
haps  with  want  of  spirit  to  prosecute  it  —  but  this  shall 
have  no  effect  upon  my  mind,  and  I  will  steadily  (as  far 
as  my  judgment  will  assist  me)  pursue  such  measures  as 
I  think  most  conducive  to  the  interest  of  the  cause,  and 
rest  satisfied  of  any  obloquy  that  shall  be  thrown,  con 
scious  of  having  discharged  my  duty  to  the  best  of  my 
abilities." 

In  a  moment  of  depression  he  took  his  friend  Rich 
ard  Henry  Lee  into  his  confidence,  and  gave  a  vent  to 
his  feelings.  "  There  has  been  so  many  great  and 
capital  errors,  and  abuses  to  rectify,  so  many  examples 
to  make,  and  so  little  inclination  in  the  officers  of  in 
ferior  rank  to  contribute  their  aid  to  accomplish  this 
work,  that  my  life  has  been  nothing  else  (since  I  came 
here)  but  one  continued  round  of  annoyance  and  fa 
tigue  ;  in  short  no  pecuniary  recompense  could  induce 
me  to  undergo  what  I  have,  especially  as  I  expect,  by 
shewing  so  little  countenance  to  irregularities  and  pub- 
lick  abuses  to  render  myself  very  obnoxious  to  a  greater 
part  of  these  people." 

A  general  plan  must  be  pursued,  and  before  the 
demands  of  that,  all  else  must  give  way.  To  keep 
Gage  cooped  up  in  Boston  and  shut  off  his  supplies 


The  Continental  Army  179 

were  still  his  principal  objects.  Late  in  August  his 
lines  were  pushed  forward  a  little,  and  a  small  emi 
nence  known  as  Plowed  Hill  was  occupied,  which  gave 
him  a  better  stand,  and  some  anxiety  to  the  enemy. 
He  had  hoped  to  bring  on  a  general  engagement,  but 
only  gave  occasion  to  a  series  of  cannonades,  to  which 
no  reply  could  be  made,  owing  to  the  scarcity  of  pow 
der.  This  had  become  a  supreme  problem,  and  he 
sent  to  every  colony  begging  that  they  would  send  on 
all  that  could  be  spared,  no  matter  how  small  the  quan 
tity  might  be. 

With  a  certain  confidence  in  the  strength  of  his 
position  he  turned  to  consider  the  campaign  of  Schuy- 
ler  against  Canada.  He  proposed  to  detach  about  one 
thousand  men,  to  penetrate  into  Canada,  by  way  of  the 
Kennebec  River,  and  thence  to.  Quebec,  creating  a 
diversion  that  must  cost  Quebec  to  the  English  general 
in  Canada,  Guy  Carleton,  or  compel  him  to  march  to 
its  defense,  and  so  leave  the  road  to  Montreal  open  for 
Schuyler's  troops.  Colonel  Benedict  Arnold,  who  had 
just  returned  from  Ticonderoga  in  no  very  kindly  frame 
of  mind,  was  to  command,  and  some  of  the  newly  ar 
rived  riflemen  from  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania  were  to 
be  with  this  detachment,  as  best  adapted  for  the  long 
and  trying  march  through  the  northern  wilderness. 

To  impose  upon  the  ministerial  troops  the  calamities 
of  a  siege  was  not  the  limit  of  Washington's  wishes. 
Why  not  assume  the  offensive,  and  attack  the  enemy, 
possibly  ending  the  war  by  a  brilliant  stroke  ?  The 
scheme  slowly  took  form  in  his  mind,  and  had  much  to 
commend  it.  The  winter  season  was  approaching,  and 
the  mere  cost  of  clothing  the  men  and  obtaining  fuel 


180  George  Washington 

was  to  be  considered.  Unless  this  detail  could  be  met, 
what  assurance  was  there  the  men  would  again  enlist, 
on  the  expiration  of  their  present  term  ?  To  raise,  fur 
nish,  and  equip  a  new  army  in  the  face  of  the  enemy 
would  be  a  mighty  undertaking  and  would  involve 
dangers  almost  fatal  to  the  cause.  The  British  were 
probably  aware  of  this  possible  complication,  and  were 
quietly  awaiting  this  termination  to  the  war.  He  called 
his  officers  in  council,  and  they  decided  against  it,  wish 
ing  to  hear  further  from  England. 

The  continuance  of  the  army  became  the  important 
question.  The  troops  of  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Isl 
and  stood  engaged  to  December  ist,  and  none  longer 
than  to  January  ist.  Unless  measures  were  taken  to 
prevent,  the  entire  army  would  dissolve  during  1775. 
The  general  disposition  of  the  men  as  to  extending 
their  service  had  not  been  tested.  Some  discontent 
was  known  to  exist  among  the  officers  as  well  as  among 
the  privates.  The  former  complained  of  the  pay  and 
want  of  allowances  proportionate  to  their  rank.  For 
the  men,  the  question  of  clothing  and  blankets  was 
of  the  highest  importance.  Before  the  end  of  Septem 
ber  the  position  had  become  serious.  "  My  situation 
is  inexpressibly  distressing,  to  see  the  winter  fast  ap 
proaching  upon  a  naked  army,  the  time  of  their  service 
within  a  few  weeks  of  expiring,  and  no  provision  yet 
made  for  such  important  events.  Added  to  these,  the 
military  chest  is  totally  exhausted ;  the  paymaster  has 
not  a  single  dollar  in  hand ;  the  commissary-general 
assures  me  he  has  strained  his  credit,  for  the  subsistence 
of  the  army,  to  the  utmost.  The  quartermaster-gen 
eral  is  precisely  in  the  same  situation  ;  and  the  greater 


The  Continental  Army  181 

part  of  the  troops  are  in  a  state  not  far  from  mutiny, 
upon  the  deduction  from  their  stated  allowance.  I 
know  not  to  whom  I  am  to  impute  this  failure ;  but  I 
am  of  opinion,  if  the  evil  is  not  immediately  remedied, 
and  more  punctually  observed  in  the  future,  the  army 
must  absolutely  break  up." 

Impressed  with  these  representations,  Congress  ap 
pointed  a  committee  to  proceed  to  camp  and  confer 
with  Washington  and  the  executives  of  the  New  Eng 
land  colonies  on  the  proper  and  most  effectual  method 
of  continuing,  supporting,  and  regulating  a  Continental 
army.  Thomas  Lynch  of  South  Carolina  and  Dr. 
Franklin  were  first  chosen  to  serve  on  this  committee, 
and  the  balloting  for  the  third  member  eventually  gave 
Benjamin  Harrison,  a  friend  of  Washington.  Frank 
lin's  earlier  experience  in  the  French  campaign  would 
be  invaluable ;  but  it  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  the 
majority  of  the  members  of  the  committee  should  come 
from  the  southern  colonies.  Not  a  representative  of 
New  England  was  upon  it,  but  this  defect  was  remedied 
by  the  presence  at  Cambridge  of  representatives  of  the 
four  eastern  colonies.  Washington  presided  over  the 
conferences,  and  laid  before  them  the  formal  opinions 
of  his  general  officers  upon  the  condition  and  needs  of 
the  army. 

The  new  army  was  to  consist  of  not  less  than  twenty 
thousand  three  hundred  and  seventy-two  men,  making 
twenty-six  regiments,  exclusive  of  riflemen  and  artillery. 
Assuming  that  the  pay  remained  the  same,  and  the 
time  of  service  was  limited  to  one  year,  it  was  believed 
that  Massachusetts  could  raise  twenty  thousand  men, 
Connecticut  eight  thousand,  New  Hampshire  three 


1 82  George  Washington 

thousand,  and  Rhode  Island  fifteen  hundred,  leaving  an 
ample  margin  for  any  extraordinary  call  rendered  neces 
sary  by  a  reinforcement  of  the  British.  The  existence 
of  such  a  force,  although  only  on  paper  as  yet,  was  re 
garded  as  a  source  of  confidence  in  the  speedy  and  suc 
cessful  termination  of  the  war.  With  this,  the  functions 
of  the  colonial  representatives  ended ;  but  the  commit 
tee  from  Congress  remained  to  consider  other  matters, 
such  as  modifying  the  articles  of  war,  making  regula 
tions  for  disposing  of  prizes  captured  at  sea,  exchanging 
prisoners  of  war,  the  employment  of  Indians,  and  a 
number  of  details  which  required  rules  and  systematic 
treatment.  The  face-to-face  exchange  of  suggestion 
was  of  advantage,  for  it  led  to  a  rapid  determination  of 
doubtful  points,  and  the  framing  of  principles  mutually 
satisfactory  and  regarded  as  efficient  to  secure  the  end 
desired.  Returning  to  Philadelphia,  the  committee  pre 
sented  a  report  to  Congress,  and  almost  all  its  conclu 
sions  were  embodied  in  resolutions  and  promptly  passed. 
The  path  of  Washington  was  made  smooth,  and  the 
recommendations  presented  carried  the  weight  of  his 
wish  and  the  acceptance  of  the  committee.  It  was 
strange  that  the  same  expedient  was  not  resorted  to 
more  frequently  during  the  contest,  for  it  had  every 
argument  in  its  favor.  It  is  true,  the  English  were 
mystified.  It  was  believed  Congress  was  exciting 
Washington  to  action  before  winter,  or  was  intent  upon 
reconciling  Washington  and  Lee. 

The  formation  of  a  new  army  gave  Washington  the 
opportunity  he  had  long  wanted  of  lessening  the  force 
of  local  attachments.  The  army  was  to  be  continental 
in  fact  as  well  as  in  name,  and  the  relations  of  officers 


The  Continental  Army  183 

and  men  must  suffer  in  the  change,  until  new  attach 
ments  could  be  created.  The  New  Englanders  re 
sented  this  alteration,  for  it  involved  the  reduction  of 
some  regiments  and  the  discharge  of  their  officers,  who 
sought  to  dissuade  their  men  from  again  taking  service. 
In  this  way  they  hoped  to  ruin  the  establishment,  and 
so  bring  themselves  into  place  again.  Nearly  one  third 
of  the  officers  were  averse  to  continuing  in  commission, 
although  the  pay  had  been  increased  and  the  conditions 
improved.  In  making  the  new  establishment,  Wash 
ington  encountered  unexpected  obstacles,  and  was  in 
volved  in  serious  perplexities.  "  Connecticut  wants  no 
Massachusetts  man  in  their  corps  ;  Massachusetts  thinks 
there  is  no  necessity  for  a  Rhode-Islander  to  be  intro 
duced  amongst  them ;  and  New  Hampshire  says,  it  's 
very  hard  that  her  valuable  and  experienced  officers 
(who  are  willing  to  serve)  should  be  discarded,  because 
her  own  regiments,  under  the  new  establishment,  can 
not  provide  for  them."  Four  days  were  spent  in  trying 
to  reconcile  claims,  quiet  jealousies,  and  reduce  the 
grades  to  a  system.  "The  trouble  I  have  in  the  ar 
rangement  of  the  army  is  really  inconceivable.  Many  of 
the  officers  sent  in  their  names  to  serve,  in  expectation 
of  promotion  ;  others  stood  aloof  to  see  what  advantage 
they  could  make  for  themselves ;  whilst  a  number  who 
had  declined,  have  again  sent  in  their  names  to  serve. 
So  great  has  the  confusion  arising  from  these  and  many 
other  perplexing  circumstances  been,  that  I  found  it  im 
possible  to  fix  this  very  interesting  business  exactly  on 
the  plan  resolved  on  in  the  conference,  though  I  have 
kept  up  to  the  spirit  of  it,  as  near  as  the  nature  and 
necessity  of  the  case  would  admit  of."  After  five 


1 84  George  Washington 

meetings  of  the  general  officers,  he  was  obliged  to  "  give 
in  to  the  humor  and  whimsies  of  the  people,  or  get 
no  army." 

So  many  perplexities  were  to  be  met,  and  so  many 
of  them  were  due  to  influences,  unnecessary  or  improper, 
that  Washington  could  not  conceal  his  chagrin  and  real 
displeasure.  "  Such  a  dearth  of  public  spirit  and  want  of 
virtue,  such  stock-jobbing,  and  fertility  in  all  the  low  arts 
to  obtain  advantages  of  one  kind  or  another,  in  this  great 
change  of  military  arrangement,  I  never  saw  before, 
and  pray  God  I  may  never  be  witness  to  again.  What 
will  be  the  ultimate  end  of  these  manoeuvres  is  beyond 
my  scan.  I  tremble  at  the  prospect.  We  have  been 
till  this  time  enlisting  about  three  thousand  five  hun 
dred  men.  To  engage  these  I  have  been  obliged  to 
allow  furloughs  as  far  as  fifty  men  a  regiment,  and  the 
officers  I  am  persuaded  indulge  as  many  more.  The 
Connecticut  troops  will  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  stay 
longer  than  their  term  (saving  those  who  have  enlisted 
for  the  next  campaign,  and  mostly  on  furlough),  and 
such  a  dirty,  mercenary  spirit  pervades  the  whole,  that 
I  should  not  be  at  all  surprised  at  any  disaster  that  may 
happen.  In  short,  after  the  last  of  this  month  [Novem 
ber]  our  lines  will  be  so  weakened,  that  the  minute-men 
and  militia  must  be  called  in  for  their  defence ;  these, 
being  under  no  kind  of  government  themselves,  will  de 
stroy  the  little  subordination  I  have  been  laboring  to 
establish,  and  run  me  into  one  evil  whilst  I  am  endeav 
oring  to  avoid  another ;  but  the  lesser  must  be  chosen. 
Could  I  have  foreseen  what  I  have,  and  am  likely  to 
experience,  no  consideration  upon  earth  should  have 
induced  me  to  accept  the  command.  A  regiment  or 


The  Continental  Army  185 

any  subordinate  department  would  have  been  accom 
panied  with  ten  times  the  satisfaction,  and  perhaps  the 
honor."  This  opinion  indicated  the  nervous  petulance 
of  a  mind  beset  with  anxieties.  Greene  had  seen  that 
Washington  had  pitched  his  expectation  too  high,  and 
was  disappointed  in  finding,  not  a  superior  race  of  mor 
tals,  but  men  of  the  same  temper,  prejudices,  virtues 
and  vices  as  were  common  in  other  provinces.  Lee, 
ever  on  the  alert  for  an  opportunity  to  ingratiate  him 
self  with  Congress,  was  loud  in  his  praise  of  the  mili 
tia.  True,  a  dissatisfied  general  was  persuading  the  men 
not  to  enlist ;  and  the  Connecticut  men  went  home  in 
large  numbers,  but  they  were  hissed  and  pelted  as  they 
passed  through  the  lines. 

Militia  was  ordered  in  to  serve  during  the  change 
from  the  old  to  the  new  army,  adding  little  strength  to 
the  besieging  force,  and  introducing  a  somewhat  de 
moralizing  element.  Congress  was  opposed  to  offering 
any  bounty,  and  showed  a  disposition  to  adhere  to 
ordinary  measures,  whereas  war  required  extraordinary 
powers  and  expedients.  When  the  English  sent  a  force 
to  North  Carolina,  Washington,  uncertain  of  its  desti 
nation  and  fearing  for  New  York,  sent  Lee  to  put  the 
place  in  a  state  of  defense  and  disarm  the  loyalist.  The 
command  of  the  North  River  and  of  the  communica 
tion  with  Canada  was  too  important  to  be  lightly  risked. 
No  part  of  his  own  army  could  be  spared  for  this  im 
portant  mission,  for  the  returns  gave  a  total  strength 
much  below  what  had  been  feared.  Voluntary  enlist 
ment  had  been  put  to  the  test  and  given  an  approach 
to  failure.  By  the  middle  of  January  only  ten  thousand 
five  hundred  men  were  on  paper,  and  some  of  these 


1 86  George  Washington 

were  on  leave  and  could  not  be  counted  upon  with 
certainty.  An  order  had  gone  forth  peremptorily  re 
quiring  all  officers,  under  pain  of  being  cashiered,  and 
recruits  as  being  deserters,  to  join  their  respective  regi 
ments  by  the  end  of  the  month.  There  was  a  want  of 
arms,  and  no  means  of  obtaining  them.  Money  was 
not  in  the  treasury,  the  magazines  were  empty  of  pow 
der.  Tents  were  still  needed  and  even  expresses  and 
engineers  were  unprovided.  Again  was  he  despondent. 
"  The  reflection  on  my  situation,  and  that  of  this  army, 
produces  many  an  uneasy  hour  when  all  around  me  are 
wrapped  in  sleep.  Few  people  know  the  predicament  we 
are  in,  on  a  thousand  accounts ;  fewer  still  will  believe, 
if  any  disaster  happens  to  these  lines,  from  what  causes 
it  flows.  I  have  often  thought  how  much  happier  I 
should  have  been,  if,  instead  of  accepting  of  a  command 
under  such  circumstances,  I  had  taken  my  musket  on 
my  shoulder  and  entered  the  ranks,  or,  if  I  could  have 
justified  the  measure  to  posterity  and  my  own  con 
science,  had  retired  to  the  back  country,  and  lived  in  a 
wigwam.  .  .  .  Could  I  have  foreseen  the  difficulties, 
which  have  come  upon  us ;  could  I  have  known,  that 
such  a  backwardness  would  have  been  discovered  in 
the  old  soldiers  to  the  service,  all  the  generals  upon 
earth  should  not  have  convinced  me  of  the  propriety  of 
delaying  an  attack  upon  Boston  till  this  time." 

The  death  of  Montgomery  and  defeat  of  the  conti 
nental  force  in  the  assault  on  Quebec  imposed  the 
necessity  of  sending  some  regiments  to  Canada,  and 
seemed  to  place  any  attack  on  Boston  out  of  the  range 
of  possibility.  The  very  defense  of  the  works  depended 
on  the  militia.  "  No  man  upon  earth  wishes  more 


The  Continental  Army  187 

ardently  to  destroy  the  nest  in  Boston,  than  I  do ;  no 
person  would  be  willing  to  go  greater  lengths  than  I 
shall,  to  accomplish  it,  if  it  shall  be  thought  advisable. 
But  if  we  have  neither  powder  to  bombard  with,  nor 
ice  to  pass  on,  we  shall  be  in  no  better  situation  than 
we  have  been  in  all  the  year  ;  we  shall  be  worse,  because 
their  works  are  stronger."  Congress  was  urging  action 
and  criticisms  were  free  on  the  apparent  inaction  of  the 
army ;  but  the  means  of  making  an  attempt  were  not 
sent,  and  the  "chimney-corner  heroes"  abated  their  zeal 
in  a  measure  as  the  deficiencies  of  the  army  became 
better  known.  So  great  were  the  wants,  so  weak  was 
the  line  of  defense,  and  so  doubtful  was  the  aid  to  be 
expected,  that  Washington  concealed  the  real  situation 
from  his  own  officers. 

In  February  ice  formed  from  Dorchester  Point  to 
Boston  Neck,  and  from  Roxbury  to  the  common.  The 
enemy  were  believed  to  number  less  than  six  thousand 
men,  and  Washington  had  a  force  fit  for  duty  of  nearly 
double  that  strength  and  was  about  to  receive  more  than 
seven  thousand  militia.  The  opportunity  of  making 
the  assault,  so  long  awaited,  seemed  at  hand ;  but  to 
his  surprise  a  council  of  war  decided  against  it,  and 
almost  unanimously.  With  surprise  and  reluctance 
Washington  submitted  to  this  decision,  doubting  whether 
the  irksomeness  of  his  position,  with  the  whole  conti 
nent  fixed  in  anxious  expectation  of  hearing  of  some 
great  event,  had  not  led  him  to  put  more  to  the  hazard 
than  was  consistent  with  prudence  or  safety.  One  step 
was  gained.  A  bombardment  should  be  made  as  soon 
as  powder  was  received,  and  Dorchester  Heights  should 
be  occupied. 


1 88  George  Washington 

Having  determined  to  occupy  Dorchester  Heights, 
the  attention  of  the  enemy  was  diverted  by  a  cannonade 
from  the  other  posts  on  March  4th.  Under  cover  of 
this  bombardment  Brigadier-General  Thomas  crossed 
the  Neck  with  a  considerable  detachment,  took  posses 
sion  of  the  two  hills  without  the  least  interruption  or 
annoyance  from  the  enemy,  and  before  morning  was 
secure  against  their  shot.  To  overlook  Boston  Nook's 
Hill  was  quite  as  important  as  the  Heights,  and  the 
Americans  were  soon  entrenched  there,  nearer  to  the 
enemy  than  before  and  in  a  position  to  do  them  great 
mischief  without  suffering  themselves.  This  measure 
was  decisive.  Washington  believed  he  could  so  gall 
and  annoy  the  British  that  they  must  either  give  battle 
or  quit  the  city,  and  of  this  the  enemy  were  convinced 
as  soon  as  daylight  showed  the  new  batteries  threaten 
ing  them.  An  attack  was  determined  upon  and  troops 
were  embarked  on  boats  to  tempt  the  strength  of  the 
works ;  but  a  strong  wind  came  up  and  for  two  days 
prevented  their  landing  at  Dorchester,  losing  all  oppor 
tunity  of  success.  Had  they  succeeded  in  obtaining  a 
foothold,  Washington  had  planned  to  assault  Boston  it 
self,  for  which  he  could  hold  in  readiness  all  his  best 
troops,  as  militia  had  been  called  in  to  hold  the  en 
trenchments.  The  boisterous  weather  made  the  risk 
unnecessary,  and  word  was  received  the  next  day  that 
the  English  army  had  accepted  the  inevitable,  and  were 
in  great  hurry  and  confusion  to  get  aboard  their  trans 
ports  and  sail  for  Halifax. 

On  Sunday  morning,  March  i7th,  the  ministerial 
army  left  Boston  and  the  town  was  at  once  taken  pos 
session  of  by  the  Americans.  Little  property  was 


The  Continental  Army  189 

destroyed  or  had  suffered  damage,  and  so  much  of  the 
works  of  defense  remained  that  the  retreat  was  made 
with  the  greatest  precipitation.  Many  cannon  had  been 
abandoned,  and  stores  to  the  value  of  some  thirty  thou 
sand  pounds  sterling,  a  welcome  accession  to  the  conti 
nental  supply.  On  Monday  Washington  rode  into  the 
abandoned  streets  and  went  to  the  house  of  John  Han 
cock,  where  he  found  the  furniture  and  family  pictures 
uninjured,  almost  certain  proof  that  nearly  the  same 
condition  existed  elsewhere.  For  such  damage  as  had 
been  done,  Washington  refused  to  permit  reprisals  ;  and 
although  it  was  known  that  there  was  much  belonging  to 
those  who  by  their  going  with  the  enemy's  fleet  declared 
their  hostility  to  the  continental  cause,  it  was  as  care 
fully  protected  as  other  property.  The  loyalists  suffered 
heavily  for  acting  up  to  their  convictions ;  but  it  was 
not  through  any  order  of  the  American  General  that 
they  lost  in  material  wealth.  Even  as  to  captured  prop 
erty  he  was  scrupulously  exact.  Should  vessels  and 
their  cargoes  originally  belonging  to  Americans,  but 
abandoned  by  the  British  at  the  evacuation,  be  returned 
to  the  first  owners,  or  regarded  as  prizes  of  the  conti 
nent  ?  Should  cannon,  purchased  by  the  province,  but 
left  by  the  British,  be  returned  to  Massachusetts,  or 
looked  upon  as  just  prize  of  war  ? 

For  more  than  a  week  the  fleet  remained  in  the 
harbor,  showing  "  the  best  knack  at  puzzling  people  I 
ever  met  with  in  my  life."  They  destroyed  the  castle 
and  burnt  the  barracks  ;  but  in  spite  of  all  his  efforts, 
Washington  could  not  fathom  their  intentions,  and 
feared  they  intended  to  give  a  stroke  when  he  was  off 
his  guard,  in  order  to  relieve  in  part  the  shameful 


190  George  Washington 

retreat.  The  thought  caused  him  anxiety,  for  the 
enemy,  as  they  then  were,  had  greater  capacity  for  mis 
chief  than  on  land.  They  had  no  posts  to  guard,  and 
were  collected  in  one  body.  The  American  army,  on 
the  contrary,  was  growing  weaker.  Not  only  had 
six  regiments  been  detached  to  New  York,  but  the 
militia  were  about  to  disband,  their  time  of  service  hav 
ing  expired.  It  was  with  a  feeling  of  relief  that  he  saw 
the  sails  spread  on  March  27th,  and  the  entire  fleet 
stand  out  for  sea. 

For  eleven  months  the  town  had  been  in  English 
possession,  and  the  necessity  for  evacuating  it  caused 
great  astonishment  in  England.  It  was  equivalent  to  a 
defeat,  yet  the  calm  announcement  of  the  Gazette  gave 
no  indication  of  the  gravity  of  the  situation.  "  His 
Majesty's  forces  have  embarked  from  Boston  with  the 
greatest  order  and  regularity,  and  without  the  least  in 
terruption  from  the  rebels."  This  was  the  summation 
of  nearly  nine  months  of  hostilities,  and  is  in  strange 
contrast  with  the  somewhat  jubilant  note  in  Washing 
ton's  letters.  "  I  have  been  here  months  together,  with 
(what  will  scarcely  be  believed)  not  thirty  rounds  of 
musket  cartridges  to  a  man  ;  and  have  been  obliged  to 
submit  to  all  the  insults  of  the  enemy's  cannon  for  want 
of  powder,  keeping  what  little  we  had  for  pistol  dis 
tance.  Another  thing  has  been  done,  which,  added  to 
the  above,  will  put  it  in  the  power  of  this  army  to  say, 
what  perhaps  no  other  with  justice  ever  could  say.  We 
have  maintained  our  ground  against  the  enemy,  under 
this  want  of  powder,  and  we  have  disbanded  one  army, 
and  recruited  another,  within  musket-shot  of  two  and 
twenty  regiments,  the  flower  of  the  British  army,  whilst 


The  Continental  Army 


191 


our  force  has  been  but  little  if  any  superior  to  theirs  ; 
and,  at  last,  have  beaten  them  into  a  shameful  and  pre 
cipitate  retreat  out  of  a  place  the  strongest  by  nature 
on  this  continent,  and  strengthened  and  fortified  at  an 
enormous  expense." 


CHAPTER  XI 

TOWARDS    INDEPENDENCE 

N  reviewing  the  operations  before  Boston  it 
is  interesting  to  notice  the  influences  ex 
erted  on  Washington's  mind.  He  soon 
imbibed  a  strong  prejudice  against  the 
New  England  soldiery,  as  well  officers  as 
men.  For  this  there  was  some  good  rea 
son,  as  the  conduct  of  certain  officers  at 
Bunker  Hill  was  cowardly  to  a  degree,  and  the  inde 
pendence  and  feeling  of  equality  of  the  common  soldier 
were  contrary  to  military  discipline,  and  when  per 
mitted  to  assert  themselves  were  destructive  of  it. 
The  trouble  encountered  in  re-enlisting  the  army,  and 
the  somewhat  sordid  features  discovered  only  intensified 
this  prejudice,  and  led  him  into  utterances  which  de 
scribed  his  passing  vexations  but  did  an  injustice  to  the 
army.  In  tactics  also  he  came  to  a  hasty  conclusion. 
His  officers  had  discouraged  an  assault  upon  Boston, 
and  the  only  other  measure  possible  was  to  attain  se 
curity  against  a  sortie  or  attack  from  Boston.  Hence 
the  many  redoubts,  trenches  and  other  defensive  works, 
at  which  Lee  scouted  and  thought  destructive  of  spir 
ited  action.  He  notes  the  "  fatal  persuasion "  which 

192 


Towards  Independence  193 

had  taken  deep  root  in  the  minds  of  the  Americans, 
from  the  highest  to  the  lowest  order,  that  they  were  no 
match  for  the  regulars,  but  when  covered  with  a  wall  or 
breastwork.  The  failure  of  Montgomery's  men  to 
face  fire  at  Quebec  seemed  to  confirm  this  persuasion, 
and  was  exactly  consonant  to  the  opinion  Washington 
had  formed.  "  Place  them  behind  a  parapet,  a  breast 
work,  stone  wall,  or  any  thing  that  will  afford  them 
shelter,  and  from  their  knowledge  of  a  firelock,  they 
will  give  a  good  account  of  their  enemy ;  but  I  am  as 
well  convinced,  as  if  I  had  seen  it,  that  they  will  not 
march  boldly  up  to  a  work,  nor  stand  exposed  in  a 
plain." 

The  evils  arising  from  short  enlistments,  or  for  any 
time  short  of  the  duration  of  the  war,  were  also  brought 
home  to  him.  The  calling  out  of  militia  had  proved 
very  costly,  and  left  nothing  permanent  of  correspond 
ing  value.  "  It  takes  you  two  or  three  months  to 
bring  new  men  in  any  tolerable  degree  acquainted  with 
their  duty ;  it  takes  a  longer  time  to  bring  a  people  of 
the  temper  and  genius  of  these  into  such  a  subordinate 
way  of  thinking  as  is  necessary  for  a  soldier.  Before 
this  is  accomplished,  the  time  approaches  for  their  dis 
missal,  and  you  are  beginning  to  make  interest  with 
them  for  their  continuance  for  another  limited  period ; 
in  the  doing  of  which  you  are  obliged  to  relax  in  your 
discipline,  in  order  as  it  were  to  curry  favor  with  them, 
by  which  means  the  latter  part  of  your  time  is  em 
ployed  in  undoing  what  the  first  was  accomplishing, 
and  instead  of  having  men  always  ready  to  take  advan 
tage  of  circumstances,  you  must  govern  your  movements 
by  the  circumstances  of  your  inlistment."  "  To  expect, 


194  George  Washington 

then,  the  same  service  from  raw  and  undisciplined  re 
cruits,  as  from  veteran  soldiers,  is  to  expect  what  never 
did  and  perhaps  never  will  happen.  Men,  who  are  fa 
miliarized  to  danger,  meet  it  without  shrinking ;  whereas 
troops  unused  to  service  often  apprehend  danger  where 
no  danger  is.  Three  things  prompt  men  to  a  regular 
discharge  of  their  duty  in  time  of  action  :  natural  brav 
ery,  hope  of  reward,  and  fear  of  punishment.  The  two 
first  are  common  to  the  untutored  and  the  disciplined  sol 
dier  ;  but  the  last  most  obviously  distinguishes  the  one 
from  the  other.  A  coward,  when  taught  to  believe,  that, 
if  he  breaks  his  ranks  and  abandons  his  colors,  [he]  will 
be  punished  with  death  by  his  own  party,  will  take  his 
chance  against  the  enemy ;  but  a  man,  who  thinks  little 
of  the  one,  and  is  fearful  of  the  other,  acts  from  present 
feelings,  regardless  of  consequences."  His  conclusion 
was  that  if  there  should  be  occasion  for  troops  another 
year,  involving  another  enlistment,  it  would  be  better 
and  less  costly  to  offer  a  bounty,  and  to  engage  the 
men  for  and  during  the  war. 

The  officers  were  being  sifted,  and  under  the  test  of 
actual  service  some  were  found  wanting.  Major-Gen 
eral  Ward  expressed  a  readiness  to  retire  after  the  taking 
of  Boston,  and  his  age  and  service  made  his  wish  almost 
imperative.  Brigadier-General  Fry,  in  whose  behalf 
strenuous  efforts  had  been  made  when  the  first  com 
missions  were  distributed,  was  in  no  fit  condition  to 
remain  at  the  head  of  a  brigade.  He  was  much  con 
fined  to  his  room,  and  felt  his  declining  life.  General 
Spencer  had  not  shown  the  spirit  that  was  expected  of 
a  good  commander,  and  turned  too  readily  to  imagining 
slights  upon  himself,  nursing  grievances  and  formulating 


Towards  Independence  195 

protests.  General  Wooster's  age  was  a  decided  ob 
jection  to  his  holding  so  important  a  command  as 
that  of  the  Canada  expedition,  and  this  objection  was 
more  than  sufficient  to  offset  his  really  patriotic  be 
havior  when  he  could  have  raised  the  question  of  rank. 

Washington's  relations  with  Congress  were  being 
defined.  That  body  was  by  no  means  so  harmonious 
in  view  as  the  printed  journals  show,  and  the  occasions 
for  differences  in  connection  with  the  army  were  many. 
To  plan  a  campaign,  to  provide  all  the  necessaries  for 
its  performance,  and  to  await  patiently  the  issue  in  the 
face  of  the  many  unexpected  delays  and  obstacles  cer 
tain  to  be  encountered,  were  subjects  not  suited  to  the 
deliberations  of  a  legislative,  or  even  advisory  body, 
composed  as  it  was  of  delegates  from  colonies  almost 
strangers  to  one  another,  and  still  without  any  frame 
work  of  a  confederation.  The  fact  that  the  army  was 
largely  of  New  England  origin  was  in  itself  a  cause  of 
jealousies,  and  the  creation  of  a  second  army  —  that  un 
der  Schuyler  —  also  largely  from  New  England,  could 
not  lessen  the  feeling.  Questions  of  command  and  of 
bounties,  of  trade  policy  and  of  war  conduct,  gave  rise 
to  debates  that  did  not  fail  to  awaken  sectional  differ 
ence.  "It  is  almost  impossible,"  said  John  Adams,  "to 
move  any  thing  [in  Congress],  but  you  instantly  see 
private  friendships  and  enmities,  and  provincial  views 
and  prejudices  intermingle  in  the  consultation." 

Washington  knew  that  his  acts  were  freely  discussed 
in  and  out  of  Congress,  and  that  he  did  not  escape  criti 
cism.  From  Massachusetts  it  was  said  he  had  neglected 
to  show  ceremonious  civility  to  the  public  men,  a  neg 
lect  that  only  proved  his  too  great  attention  to  army 


196  George  Washington 

matters.  The  letters  written  from  camp,  and  often 
couched  in  too  frank  tone,  gave  offence,  and  he  was  held 
responsible  for  them.  His  failure  to  attack  was  made 
the  occasion  of  attack  upon  him  and  his  fitness  to  com 
mand.  Much  was  made  of  his  known  disapproval  of  the 
general  conduct  of  the  New  Englanders,  and  nothing  was 
deemed  too  insignificant  to  be  interpreted  as  best  suited 
the  purposes  of  the  critic.  "  I  shall  thank  you  for  giv 
ing  me  the  opinions  of  the  world,"  he  once  wrote  to 
Reed,  "  upon  such  points  as  you  know  me  to  be  inter 
ested  in ;  for,  as  I  have  but  one  capital  object  in  view, 
I  could  wish  to  make  my  conduct  coincide  with  the 
wishes  of  mankind,  as  far  as  I  can  consistently ;  I  mean, 
without  departing  from  that  great  line  of  duty,  which 
though  hid  under  a  cloud  for  some  time,  from  a  peculiar 
ity  of  circumstances,  may  nevertheless  bear  a  scrutiny." 
He  entertained  no  wish  to  stretch  his  authority,  and  the 
comments  of  members,  made  indirectly,  only  brought 
out  admissions  that  an  error  may  have  been  made.  "If 
I  have  done  wrong,  those  members  of  Congress,  who 
think  the  matter  ought  to  have  been  left  to  them,  must 
consider  my  proceedings  as  an  error  of  judgment,  and 
that  a  measure  is  not  always  to  be  judged  of  by  the 
event.  It  is  moreover  worthy  of  consideration,  that  in 
cases  of  extreme  necessity,  nothing  but  decision  can 
ensure  success.  .  .  .  However,  I  am  not  fond  of 
stretching  my  powers ;  and  if  the  Congress  will  say, 
'  Thus  far  and  no  farther  you  shall  go,'  I  will  promise 
not  to  offend  whilst  I  am  in  their  service." 

Nor  was  he  inclined  to  undervalue  his  success,  though 
some  allowance  must  be  made  for  confidences  made 
to  a  brother.  "  I  believe  I  may  with  great  truth  affirm, 


Towards  Independence  197 

that  no  man  perhaps  since  the  first  institution  of  armies 
ever  commanded  one  under  more  difficult  circumstances, 
than  I  have  done."  In  his  official  letters  a  due  share 
was  given  to  Providence,  whose  interposing  hand  he 
recognized  on  more  than  one  occasion.  With  this  con 
fidence  he  showed  a  sensitiveness  to  criticism,  and  a 
satisfaction  at  surmounting  it.  His  conduct  had  been 
subjected  "  to  interpretations  unfavorable  to  my  char 
acter,  especially  by  those  at  a  distance,  who  could  not 
in  the  smallest  degree  be  acquainted  with  the  springs 
that  govern  it.  I  am  happy,  however,  to  find,  and  to 
hear  from  different  quarters,  that  my  reputation  stands 
fair,  that  my  conduct  hitherto  has  given  universal  satis 
faction."  It  was,  therefore,  with  high  appreciation,  that 
he  heard  of  the  intention  of  Congress  to  commemorate 
the  evacuation  of  Boston  by  a  medal,  a  token  of  respect 
gracefully  suggested  by  John  Adams. 

Washington  was  more  advanced  towards  indepen 
dence  than  the  Congress.  Measured  as  his  language 
was  in  the  early  months  of  his  command,  and  careful  as 
he  was  to  utter  little  against  the  King  while  speaking 
freely  against  the  ministry,  a  change  set  in  as  the  win 
ter  moved  apace.  It  was  a  "  diabolical  ministry  "  at 
tempting  to  enslave  the  continent ;  the  Canada  bill  was 
a  "  diabolical  scheme  "  of  the  ministry  ;  and  he  called 
out  a  deserved  rebuke  from  Howe  by  praising  his  per 
sonal  qualities  and  attainments,  while  regretting  that 
"the  name  of  Howe,  a  name  so  dear  to  them,  should 
appear  at  the  head  of  the  catalogue  of  the  instruments 
employed  by  a  wicked  ministry  "  for  the  destruction  of 
America.  He  knew  the  administration  would  not  have 
gone  to  extremities  unless  the  people  of  England  were 


198  George  Washington 

behind  them,  and  in  this  he  showed  greater  foresight 
than  those  who  believed  that  the  ministry  could  be  in 
timidated  into  making  concessions  by  arousing  public 
agitation  in  Great  Britain.  The  King's  "  most  gracious  " 
speech,  "  full  of  rancor  and  resentment  against  us,"  and 
explicitly  holding  forth  "  his  royal  will  to  be,  that  vig 
orous  measures  must  be  pursued,  to  deprive  us  of  our 
constitutional  rights  and  privileges,"  only  confirmed  his 
view.  That  speech  embodied  the  ultimatum  of  British 
justice,  and  was  sent  into  the  American  camp  on  the 
very  day  which  gave  being  to  the  new  army,  to  cele 
brate  which  the  union  flag  had  been  hoisted  in  com 
pliment  to  the  united  colonies.  "  With  respect  to 
myself,"  he  wrote  to  Reed,  in  February,  1776,  "I  have 
never  entertained  an  idea  of  an  accommodation,  since  I 
heard  of  the  measures  which  were  adopted  in  conse 
quence  of  the  Bunker's  Hill  fight.  The  King's  speech 
has  confirmed  the  sentiments  I  entertained  upon  the 
news  of  that  affair  ;  and,  if  every  man  was  of  my  mind, 
the  ministers  of  Great  Britain  should  know,  in  a  few 
words,  upon  what  issue  the  cause  should  be  put.  I 
would  not  be  deceived  by  artful  declarations,  nor  specious 
pretences  ;  nor  would  I  be  amused  by  unmeaning  propo 
sitions  ;  but  in  open,  undisguised,  and  manly  terms  pro 
claim  our  wrongs,  and  our  resolution  to  be  redressed. 
I  would  tell  them,  that  we  had  borne  much,  that  we  had 
long  and  ardently  sought  for  reconciliation  upon  hon 
orable  terms,  that  it  had  been  denied  us,  that  all  our 
attempts  after  peace  had  proved  abortive,  and  had  been 
grossly  misrepresented,  that  we  had  done  everything 
which  could  be  expected  from  the  best  of  subjects, 
that  the  spirit  of  freedom  beat  too  high  in  us  to  submit 


Towards  Independence  199 

to  slavery,  and  that,  if  nothing  else  could  satisfy  a 
tyrant  and  his  diabolical  ministry,  we  are  determined 
to  shake  off  all  connexions  with  a  state  so  unjust  and 
unnatural.  This  I  would  tell  them,  not  under  covert, 
but  in  words  as  clear  as  the  sun  in  its  meridian  bright 
ness."  He  now  began  to  speak  of  the  King's  troops, 
believing  it  idle  to  keep  up  the  distinction  of  ministerial. 
Joseph  Reed  had  been  in  Philadelphia  for  some 
weeks  and  was  in  close  touch  with  the  Congress.  His 
letters  to  Washington  spoke  of  the  hesitation  of  that 
body  to  recognize  the  inevitable,  to  declare  indepen 
dence.  This  hesitation  had  a  deeper  root,  for  it  had  its 
origin  in  the  colonies.  In  Virginia,  where  it  would  be 
supposed  the  fire  of  patriotism  still  burned  at  high  heat, 
Lee  found  much  obstruction  and  real  diffidence.  Some 
of  the  Committee  of  Safety  were  still  ardent,  but  the 
friends  of  Washington,  like  Pendleton  and  Bland,  were 
full  of  doubt  on  the  measures  to  be  adopted.  Reed 
reported  the  same  feeling.  "It  is  said  the  Virginians 
are  so  alarmed  with  the  idea  of  independence,  that  they 
have  sent  Mr.  Braxton  on  purpose  to  turn  the  vote  of 
that  colony,  if  any  question  on  that  subject  should  come 
before  Congress."  John  Adams,  first  among  the  zeal 
ous,  but  lacking  something  in  discretion,  sought  by  in 
direct  means  to  pledge  Congress  to  independence,  but 
found  that  independency  was  a  hobgoblin  of  such  fright 
ful  mien  that  it  was  avoided.  The  middle  colonies 
could  speak  with  no  determination,  and  the  idea  of  a 
long  war  was  not  generally  held.  Every  whisper  of 
accommodation  or  reconciliation  found  a  strong  echo  in 
Congress,  and  whether  it  was  an  irresponsible  agent, 
like  Lord  Drummond,  or  agents  not  yet  named,  as  the 


200  George  Washington 

rumors  from  England  created,  the  public  business  was 
obstructed  or  allowed  to  pass  unregulated.  The  send 
ing  of  Silas  Deane  to  Europe  to  solicit  aid  of  whatever 
Power  could  be  bribed  by  the  promise  of  a  monopoly 
of  the  American  trade,  was  a  stride  towards  independ 
ence,  but  the  measure  was  kept  secret,  for  obvious  rea 
sons.  It  was  the  timidity  of  Congress  that  made  itself 
felt  on  Washington,  and  he  saw  the  remedy  in  again 
appealing  to  the  people.  "  I  think  a  change  in  the 
American  representation  necessary  ;  frequent  appeals 
to  the  people  can  be  attended  with  no  bad,  but  may 
have  very  salutary  effects.  My  countrymen,  I  know, 
from  their  form  of  government,  and  steady  attachment 
heretofore  to  royalty,  will  come  reluctantly  into  the 
idea  of  independence,  but  time  and  persecution  bring 
many  wonderful  things  to  pass ;  and  by  private  letters, 
which  I  have  lately  received  from  Virginia,  I  find  '  Com 
mon  Sense '  is  working  a  wonderful  change  there  in  the 
minds  of  many  men."  A  majority  was  not  prepared  to 
take  this  final  step,  and  could  have  prevented  a  determi 
nation  indefinitely  had  it  not  been  for  a  further  indica 
tion  of  the  hostility  of  the  English  Parliament  against 
the  colonies.  An  act  was  passed  making  American 
vessels  and  property  subject  to  capture.  Adams  rightly 
called  it  an  act  of  independence.  "  It  throws  thirteen 
colonies  out  of  the  royal  protection,  levels  all  dis 
tinctions,  and  makes  us  independent  in  spite  of  our 
supplications  and  entreaties."  South  Carolina  was  con 
vinced  and  adopted  a  constitution,  and  the  example  was 
studied  elsewhere.  "  I  have  ever  thought,"  Wash 
ington  wrote  to  Adams,  "and  am  still  of  opinion, 
that  no  terms  of  accommodation  will  be  offered  by  the 


Towards  Independence  201 

British  ministry,  but  such  as   cannot   be  accepted   by 
America." 

Before  waiting  for  the  actual  sailing  of  the  fleet 
Washington  prepared  to  move  to  New  York,  the  des 
tination  of  the  enemy,  he  was  led  to  believe.  The 
riflemen  were  sent  forward,  under  Brigadier-General 
Heath,  and  Major-General  Putnam  was  to  follow,  to 
command  till  Washington,  assured  of  Boston's  safety, 
could  himself  bring  the  remainder  of  the  army.  On 
April  4th  all  was  in  readiness,  and  he  set  out  for  New 
York,  passing  through  Providence,  Norwich,  and  New 
London,  urging  forward  the  halting  divisions  of  the 
army,  or  making  provisions  for  those  coming  later.  He 
found  a  few  works  of  defence  completed,  some  more  in 
a  very  unfinished  state,  and  the  regiments  much  scat 
tered,  some  on  Long  Island,  some  on  Staten  Island,  and 
others  on  the  mainland.  The  provincial  Congress  was 
in  a  much  divided  frame  of  mind.  The  warships  of  the 
English  were  still  in  the  harbor,  and  were  obtaining 
their  supplies  from  the  inhabitants  of  the  country,  as  if 
no  state  of  war  existed.  Political  prudence  might  have 
excused  such  freedom  of  intercourse  in  the  past,  but  the 
coming  of  the  army  and  the  construction  of  defensive 
works  set  aside  the  necessity.  The  General  intimated 
that  an  immediate  and  total  end  must  be  put  to  this 
business,  for  only  the  enemy  gained  by  its  continuance. 
While  acceding  to  this  proper  suggestion,  the  commit 
tee  raised  a  counter  intimation,  that  the  military  might 
supersede  the  civil  government,  something  to  be  depre 
cated.  "  There  is  nothing  that  could  add  more  to  my 
happiness,"  was  the  reply  of  Washington,  "  than  to  go 
hand  in  hand  with  the  civil  authority  of  this,  or  any 


202  George  Washington 

other  government,  to  which  it  may  be  my  lot  to  be  or 
dered."  Yet  he  was  obliged  to  add  that  should  the 
public  safety  demand  it,  he  would  not  hesitate  to  en 
counter  the  local  convenience  of  individuals,  or  even  of 
a  whole  colony. 

His  first  care  was  to  despatch  four  of  his  strongest 
battalions  to  Canada,  as  Congress  directed.  The  more 
difficult  question  of  drawing  the  provincial  Congress 
into  measures  of  defense  was  then  present.  He  inti 
mated  that  it  would  be  well  to  concert  a  plan  for  calling 
out  the  militia,  should  it  become  necessary  to  use  them  ; 
to  establish  good  lookouts  at  the  entrance  of  the  harbor, 
and  to  agree  upon  signals  that  might  convey  intelligence 
of  the  appearance  and  numbers  of  an  enemy.  New 
Jersey  was  also  put  in  the  same  train,  and  the  prudence 
of  this  provision  was  made  apparent  by  a  new  demand 
for  six  regiments  for  the  Canadian  service.  In  place  of 
meeting  with  aid  and  encouragement  from  the  inhabit 
ants  of  Canada,  the  Americans  had  been  deserted,  de 
feated  before  Quebec,  and  both  whites  and  Indians  were 
actually  taking  up  arms  against  them.  An  absence  of 
judicious  measures  in  dealing  with  the  Canadians  was 
largely  responsible  for  this,  and  the  visit  of  a  committee 
from  the  Continental  Congress  could  not  recover  the 
lost  opportunity.  Appealed  to  for  an  opinion  on  the 
expediency  of  making  greater  efforts  to  conquer  Can 
ada,  Washington  confessed  he  was  at  a  loss  what  to  ad 
vise.  To  keep  New  York  was  of  the  highest  importance, 
and  his  force  would  be  insufficient  to  meet  an  attack 
were  any  more  regiments  taken  from  it.  There  was 
every  probability  that  the  English  would  send  an  expedi 
tion  to  Canada  as  well  as  to  New  York,  and —  New  York 


Towards  Independence  203 

was  all-important.  The  opinion,  though  indefinite  as  to 
Canada,  was  clear  as  to  New  York.  Through  misman 
agement  and  a  want  of  proper  preparations,  little  could 
be  done  in  Canada,  and  in  a  few  weeks  that  country  was 
abandoned  by  the  Americans  sent  to  conquer  it  by  kind 
ness,  if  possible,  by  force,  if  necessary. 

The  same  problems  of  administration  confronted  him 
in  New  York  as  in  Massachusetts.  The  regiments  were 
not  filled,  and  arms  were  wanting.  The  appointments 
of  the  provincial  Congress  were  at  times  troublesome, 
at  times  conflicting  with  those  already  made  in  the  army. 
A  change  gave  rise  to  complaint,  and  even  mutiny  and 
disbanding  of  men  ;  the  local  committee  would  interfere 
or  the  provincial  Congress  seek  to  dictate  command, 
urging  policy  and  their  authority.  While  supporting 
the  authority  of  the  Continental  Congress,  Washington 
found  it  wise  to  yield  in  some  matters.  "  I  have  found 
it  of  importance  and  highly  expedient  to  yield  many 
points  in  fact,  without  seeming  to  have  done  it,  and  this 
to  avoid  bringing  on  a  too  frequent  discussion  of  mat 
ters  which  in  a  political  view  ought  to  be  kept  a  little 
behind  the  curtain,  and  not  be  made  too  much  the  sub 
jects  of  disquisition.  Time  only  can  eradicate  and  over 
come  customs  and  prejudices  of  long  standing  —  they 
must  be  got  the  better  of  by  slow  and  gradual  advances." 

Congress  was  dilatory  in  taking  up  the  many  sub 
jects  submitted  to  it  by  the  General.  It  was  a  faulty 
system  that  left  so  much  to  be  acted  upon  by  a  body 
already  burdened  with  momentous  questions  of  state 
and  foreign  policy.  The  details  of  army  management, 
and  the  plans  of  a  campaign  could  have  been  better 
arranged  by  responsible  officers  under  the  direction  of 


204  George  Washington 

Washington.  As  it  was,  the  officers  were  not  appointed, 
and  the  appeals  of  the  commander,  increasing  in  ur 
gency,  were  referred  to  committees,  and  whatever  action 
was  recommended  passed  through  the  time-consuming 
debates  of  the  full  house,  debates  that  seemed  rather  to 
develop  points  of  difference  than  of  agreement.  The 
number  of  general  officers  falling  so  low  as  to  embarrass 
Washington,  Gates  was  made  a  Major-General,  and  was 
sent  to  Philadelphia  to  confer  with  Congress.  This 
was  not  entirely  satisfactory  to  that  body,  as  it  had 
already  asked  Washington  himself  to  attend,  and  he 
rather  reluctantly  prepared  to  obey  the  call. 

In  company  with  Mrs.  Washington  he  set  out  for 
Philadelphia,  arriving  in  that  city  on  the  afternoon  of 
Thursday,  May  23d.  For  nearly  two  weeks  he  was  de 
tained  there,  consulting  daily  with  a  committee  of  Con 
gress,  and  obtaining  a  clearer  insight  into  the  weakness 
of  that  body,  both  in  its  legislative  and  executive  ca 
pacities,  than  he  could  have  derived  from  any  correspon 
dence.  Convinced,  as  he  was,  that  there  was  nothing  to 
be  expected  from  the  justice  of  Great  Britain,  he  saw 
the  effect  produced  by  the  rumored  commissioners, 
as  he  believed  they  were  intended  only  to  deceive. 
"  Many  members  of  Congress,  in  short,  the  representa 
tion  of  whole  provinces,  are  still  feeding  themselves 
upon  the  dainty  food  of  reconciliation  ;  and,  though 
they  will  not  allow,  that  the  expectation  of  it  has  any 
influence  upon  their  judgment,  (with  respect  to  their 
preparations  for  defence,)  it  is  but  too  obvious,  that  it 
has  an  operation  upon  every  part  of  their  conduct,  and 
is  a  clog  to  their  proceedings.  It  is  not  in  the  nature 
of  things  to  be  otherwise  ;  for  no  man,  that  entertains  a 


Towards  Independence  205 

hope  of  seeing  this  dispute  speedily  and  equitably  ad 
justed  by  commissioners,  will  go  to  the  same  expense 
and  run  the  same  hazards  to  prepare  for  the  worst  event, 
as  he  who  believes  that  he  must  conquer,  or  submit  to 
unconditional  terms,  and  its  concomitants,  such  as 
confiscation,  hanging,  &c." 

He  received  encouragement  by  the  action  of  his 
own  colony,  then  engaged  in  framing  a  constitution, 
the  form  of  a  new  government.  South  Carolina  had 
already  taken  this  step,  but  had  not  declared  itself  inde 
pendent  of  Great  Britain.  It  was  a  temporary  measure, 
to  continue  until  an  accommodation  was  had  with  the 
parent  country.  North  Carolina  did  not  fear  to  call 
for  independence,  if  the  other  colonies  should  concur. 
Virginia  instructed  its  delegates  in  the  Continental  Con 
gress  to  propose  to  that  body  to  declare  the  colonies 
"  free  and  independent  States,  absolved  from  all  alle 
giance  to,  or  dependence  upon,  the  Crown  or  Parlia 
ment  of  Great  Britain."  It  was,  as  Washington  said, 
a  noble  vote.  So  outspoken  an  echo  of  his  own  thoughts, 
for  which  John  Adams  was  largely  responsible,  aided 
him  while  discussing  the  almost  endless  questions  on  a 
campaign  in  Canada.  The  importance  of  the  conference 
grew,  and  the  committee  was  increased  in  size  until  it 
numbered  fourteen  members.  There  was  now  not  only 
the  Canadian  expedition  to  be  settled,  but  a  plan  of  mili 
tary  operations  for  the  ensuing  campaign.  The  important 
feature  was  reinforcements,  and  unless  recruits  could 
be  had  it  was  out  of  the  question  to  retain  what  little 
influence  they  had  in  Canada.  Indians  were  to  be 
enrolled,  but  Schuyler  at  once  raised  the  point,  where 
were  these  Indians  to  be  found  ?  It  was  useless  to 


2o6  George  Washington 

expect  them  to  join  a  cause  so  weak  and  sinking  as 
that  of  America. 

Returning  to  New  York  he  found  the  defenses 
were  progressing  well,  but  he  was  met  by  disastrous 
news  from  Canada.  Every  measure  had  failed,  and  not 
only  confusion  but  complete  demoralization  had  set  in. 
Wooster  was  recalled,  having  been  condemned  as  unfit 
for  the  command  by  the  committee  of  Congress.  Thomas 
was  down  with  the  smallpox,  and  Arnold  was  checked 
in  his  efforts  to  retrieve  somewhat  the  misfortunes  by  a 
threatened  massacre  of  prisoners  should  he  proceed. 
Uncertain  pay,  a  scarcity  of  provisions,  short  enlist 
ments  leading  to  restive  and  half-disciplined  regiments, 
and  officers  not  obtaining  the  confidence  of  their  men — 
these  were  conditions  to  wreck  any  expedition,  what 
ever  were  the  odds  against  it.  In  this  case,  the  troops 
were  in  a  hostile  country,  had  met  with  defeats,  were  in 
full  retreat,  and  could  not  count  upon  a  true  support 
short  of  Albany.  Schuyler  was  even  now  denounced 
by  the  very  men  who  should  have  given  him  full 
countenance.  The  best  advice  Washington  could  give 
was  to  fortify  and  make  secure  Ticonderoga  and  the 
communicating  posts,  placing  them  in  charge  of  judicious 
and  spirited  officers,  a  difficult  task,  when  they  were 
shifting  and  changing  continually. 

General  Thomas,  in  many  ways  the  best  equipped 
man  for  the  Canadian  campaign  under  Schuyler,  died 
of  the  smallpox,  at  Sorel,  on  June  2d.  Two  days  later 
General  Sullivan  arrived  and  took  the  command.  His 
letters  were  hopeful,  and  in  strange  contrast  to  those  of 
Arnold  and  to  the  conditions  known  to  exist  in  camp. 
The  cause  of  his  tone  was  attributed  to  a  desire  to 


Towards  Independence  207 

command,  and  Washington  was  not  long  in  recognizing 
the  intent.  Gates  had  been  promoted  since  Sullivan 
had  left  New  York,  and  had  as  good  a  claim  to  a  perma 
nent  assignment  to  the  northern  army.  The  Commander- 
in-chief  saw  the  possibility  of  a  clashing  of  interests,  and 
thought  it  best  to  warn  Congress.  Sullivan  was  active, 
zealous  in  the  cause,  and  of  ability.  "  But  he  has  his 
wants,  and  he  has  his  foibles.  The  latter  are  mani 
fested  in  a  little  tincture  of  vanity,  and  in  an  over-desire 
of  being  popular,  which  now  and  then  leads  him  into 
embarrassments.  His  wants  are  common  to  us  all  — 
the  want  of  experience  to  move  upon  a  large  scale  ;  for 
the  limited  and  contracted  knowledge,  which  any  of  us 
have  in  military  matters,  stands  in  very  little  stead,  and 
is  greatly  overbalanced  by  sound  judgment,  and  some 
knowledge  of  men  and  books,  especially  when  accom 
panied  by  an  enterprising  genius."  The  choice  fell 
upon  Gates,  who  was  ordered  to  proceed  at  once  to  his 
new  command,  from  which  every  despatch  brought  only 
discouraging  intelligence. 

Gates  was  in  high  favor  with  Congress  at  this  time, 
and  John  Adams  had  urged  his  assignment  to  the  com 
mand  at  Boston,  where  a  well-directed  attack  by  Ward 
had  driven  away  the  British  vessels  keeping  watch  at 
Nantasket  Road.  The  pitiful  condition  of  the  army  in 
Canada  enforced  his  going  in  that  direction,  to  a  com 
mand  that  was  important,  and  a  service  that  was  diffi 
cult  but  honorable.  He  had  the  assurance  of  the  full 
support  of  Congress,  and  his  "  great  ability  and  virtue," 
based  upon  the  "  great  powers "  given  to  the  com 
mander  in  that  distant  department,  were  confidently  ex 
pected  to  restore  order  and  obtain  success  in  aggression. 


2o8  George  Washington 

Washington  saw  more  clearly  the  full  effects  of  the 
series  of  disasters  that  had  overtaken  that  army, 
and  urged  its  retreat.  "  I  fear  we  must  give  up  all 
hopes  of  possessing  that  country,  of  such  importance  in 
the  present  controversy,  and  that  our  views  and  utmost 
exertions  must  be  turned  to  prevent  the  incursions  of 
the  enemy  into  our  colonies."  This  was  his  opinion 
expressed  to  Schuyler,  and  he  urged  him  to  use  every 
means  to  secure  and  fortify  every  post  and  place  of 
importance  on  the  communication.  So  much  had  been 
sent  from  the  main  army  to  the  northward,  that  no  ef 
forts  could  yield  either  men  or  supplies.  Not  even  a 
carpenter  could  be  spared,  and  without  gondolas  Arnold 
could  do  nothing. 

Congress  was  not  so  constituted  as  to  conduct  a  war 
with  certainty  or  efficiency.  The  number  of  its  mem 
bers,  the  various  interests  and  conditions  it  represented, 
and  the  many  personal  relations  inevitable  where  ap 
pointments  and  honors  are  to  be  distributed,  influenced 
its  freedom  of  action  and  often  controlled  its  decision 
by  partial  agreements  and  exchange  of  favors.  These 
conditions  made  it  difficult  to  give  a  proper  attention  to 
the  many  matters  referred  by  Washington.  To  consti 
tute  a  separate  committee  on  each  letter,  or  on  each 
part  of  a  letter,  was  an  awkward  expedient,  for  the 
questions  were  often  independent,  and  to  obviate  con 
tradictory  resolutions  should  be  under  the  consideration 
of  the  same  committee.  Some  of  this  difficulty  could 
be  remedied  by  having  a  standing  committee  on  mat 
ters  relating  to  the  army,  and  such  a  measure  Washing 
ton  suggested  in  January,  1 776.  A  careful  consideration 
of  a  proposition  by  a  few  members  of  known  abilities 


Towards  Independence  209 

was  a  fitting  preparation  for  a  submission  of  their  opin 
ion  to  the  whole  Congress.  A  strong  committee  com 
posed  of  seven  members  was  named  to  consider  the 
propriety  of  establishing  a  war  office  and  the  powers 
with  which  it  should  be  vested.  Lynch,  of  South  Caro 
lina,  among  the  first  in  possessing  the  confidence  of 
Congress  and  Washington,  was  the  first  on  the  com 
mittee,  and  with  him  were  associated  Harrison,  Frank 
lin,  Edward  Rutledge,  Ward,  Samuel  Adams,  and  Morris. 
Three  of  the  committee  had  been  sent  to  Cambridge  in 
the  previous  October,  and  were  thus  familiar  with  the 
necessity  for  better  treatment  of  army  problems  than 
could  be  given  by  a  full  Congress.  The  committee  sat 
many  weeks,  and  did  not  report  until  the  middle  of 
April,  when  no  action  was  taken.  In  the  meanwhile 
the  disastrous  situation  of  the  Canadian  army  called  for 
immediate  notice,  and  the  position  of  the  army  at  New 
York  became  daily  more  difficult.  Washington  re 
minded  Congress  of  his  recommendation,  and  insisted 
anew  on  the  utility  and  importance  of  such  an  establish 
ment.  "  The  more  I  reflect  upon  the  subject,  the  more 
I  am  convinced  of  its  necessity,  and  that  affairs  can  never 
be  properly  conducted  without  it." 

Congress  was  taking  action  on  the  report  of  its  com 
mittee,  and  adopting  its  main  features.  The  new  Board 
of  War  and  Ordnance  was  to  be  composed  of  five  mem 
bers  of  Congress,  and  to  it  was  assigned  the  duty  of 
obtaining  and  preserving  an  alphabetical  register  of  all 
the  officers  in  the  continental  army ;  of  keeping  ac 
counts  of  the  military  stores,  and  where  lodged  or 
employed  ;  of  forwarding  despatches  and  money  transmit 
ted  for  the  public  service  by  order  of  Congress ;  of 


210  George  Washington 

superintending  the  raising,  fitting  out  and  despatching 
such  land  forces  as  were  ordered  for  the  service  of  the 
United  Colonies ;  and,  finally,  of  caring  for  prisoners  of 
war,  according  to  the  orders  and  regulations  of  Con 
gress.  Two  of  the  committee  who  framed  these  powers 
were  given  places  on  the  newly  instituted  Board — Har 
rison  and  Rutledge.  The  remaining  members  were 
new,  John  Adams,  who  was  chairman,  Roger  Sherman, 
and  Wilson.  This  was  a  decided  step  towards  better 
things,  and  was  warmly  commended  by  Washington,  as 
an  event  of  great  importance.  Praise  was  thus  given, 
though  he  felt  the  committee  was  not  perfect,  or  what 
the  circumstances  demanded.  No  energy  of  its  mem 
bers,  and  the  activity  was  certainly  great,  could  over 
come  the  fact  that  a  member  of  Congress  was  not  a 
good  executive,  and  five  members  in  consultation  could 
not  make  good  the  defect. 

Congress  and  the  army  formed  only  a  part  of  his 
anxiety.  New  York  held  a  very  large  and  important 
loyalist  element,  under  the  influence  of  an  able  and 
brave  governor,  William  Tryon.  By  the  irony  of  fate 
these  loyalists  were  known  as  the  "  disaffected,"  al 
though  they  were  entirely  satisfied  with  the  King's  rule 
and  looked  upon  the  patriots  as  the  "disaffected."  A 
much  stronger  term  was  used  to  express  their  regard, 
and  "  rebel "  in  New  York  meant  something  that  could 
not  resent  the  insult  implied  because  he  had  as  yet  no 
standing  or  means  of  defense.  By  coquetting  with  the 
question,  and  by  recognizing  now  King,  now  Parlia 
ment,  welcoming  Tryon  and  Washington  within  twenty- 
four  hours  with  equal  enthusiasm,  by  supplying  the 
King's  ships  with  provisions  and  denying  Schuyler 


Towards  Independence  211 

much  that  he  needed,  it  was  difficult  to  decide  whether 
the  province  was  loyal  or  on  the  side  of  the  rebellion. 
Washington  had  early  seen  that  the  loyalists  could  be 
troublesome  and,  in  sufficient  numbers,  really  danger 
ous.  In  November,  1775,  a^ter  t^le  cruel  and  unneces 
sary  destruction  of  Falmouth,  he  gave  orders  to  seize 
every  officer  of  government  at  Portsmouth,  who  had 
given  proofs  of  his  unfriendly  disposition  to  the  conti 
nental  cause.  He  recommended  the  same  measure  to 
Governor  Trumbull  in  no  mistakable  terms.  "  Would  it 
not  be  prudent  to  seize  on  those  Tories,  who  have  been, 
are,  and  that  we  know  will  be  active  against  us  ?  Why 
should  persons  who  are  preying  upon  the  vitals  of  the 
country  be  suffered  to  stalk  at  large,  whilst  we  know 
they  would  do  us  every  mischief  in  their  power  ?  " 


CHAPTER  XII 

NEW    YORK 

OT  without  anxiety  was  the  period  of 
preparation  brought  to  an  end  by 
intelligence  gained  from  some  pris 
oners  taken  on  British  transports. 
On  June  28th  Washington  learned 
that  the  fleet  had  sailed  from  Hali 
fax  for  Sandy  Hook,  and  on  the 
following  day  the  main  body  arrived.  The  troops  were 
at  once  disembarked  on  Staten  Island,  in  such  numbers 
and  condition  as  to  make  their  influence  felt  in  the 
town.  The  good  people  became  dispirited,  and  the 
loyalists  correspondingly  elated.  Tryon  went  to  see 
General  Howe,  and  they  were  soon  agreed  that  the  sub 
jection  of  New  York  was  a  simple  matter.  The  raw 
militia  still  formed  too  large  a  proportion  of  the  conti 
nental  army,  and  the  new  levies  were  coming  in  but 
slowly.  "  I  could  wish  General  Howe  and  his  arma 
ment  not  to  arrive  yet,"  wrote  Washington  to  the  Presi 
dent  of  Congress,  as  not  more  than  a  thousand  militia 
have  yet  come  in,  and  our  whole  force,  including  the 
troops  at  all  the  detached  posts,  and  on  board  the  armed 
vessels,  which  are  comprehended  in  our  returns,  is  but 


212 


New  York  213 

small  and  inconsiderable,  when  compared  with  the  ex 
tensive  lines  they  are  to  defend,  and,  most  probably,  the 
army  that  he  brings." 

This  was  a  not  very  hopeful  situation,  and  yet  the 
General  felt  that  the  English  would  strain  every  nerve 
during  the  campaign,  for  they  had  a  defeat  to  retrieve. 
General  Howe  remembered  the  lesson  he  had  received, 
and  would  not  land  his  men  at  Gravesend,*  on  Long 
Island,  because  of  a  strong  post  on  a  ridge  of  craggy 
heights  covered  with  wood,  that  must  be  taken  before 
he  could  move  nearer  to  New  York.  Staten  Island  was 
in  itself  a  shelter  to  his  army,  and  offered  a  more  con 
venient  centre  for  action,  covering,  as  it  did,  access  to 
Long  Island,  to  New  Jersey,  and  to  New  York.  The 
disaffected  from  this  part  of  the  country  could  easily 
gain  the  island,  and  might  prove  a  useful  body  in  offen 
sive  operations.  Washington  had  given  specific  orders 
to  have  all  live-stock  driven  from  the  island  before  the 
arrival  of  the  enemy,  but  his  orders  were  not  obeyed, 
and  Howe  found  a  welcome  supply  for  his  men.  He 
was  enabled  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  second  detach 
ment  of  his  troops  and  of  his  brother,  Admiral  Howe. 

To  call  the  new  regiments  from  the  New  England 
provinces,  to  raise  the  Flying  Camp  as  speedily  as  pos 
sible,  and  to  engage  the  Indians  on  the  side  of  the 
continent,  were  the  urgent  necessities  of  the  situation. 
Flints  were  much  needed ;  of  powder  the  supply  was 
better  ;  and  of  lead  there  had  been  sufficient  taken  from 
the  roofs  of  houses  for  the  whole  campaign.  Men  and 
arms  were  the  primary  wants,  for  the  militia  came  in 
slowly,  and  the  new  lines  even  more  slowly.  New  Jersey, 
exposed  as  it  was  to  attack,  required  some  companies 


214  George  Washington 

of  militia,  and  Boston  claimed  its  force  of  five  regi 
ments  for  defense,  on  the  plea  of  a  possible  landing 
of  the  British.  To  add  to  the  complications,  a  dispute 
about  rank  arose  between  Schuyler  and  Gates,  the 
former  objecting  to  take  orders  from  an  officer  younger 
than  himself,  however  high  his  military  qualifications 
might  be  held.  The  northern  army  did  not  require  the 
presence  of  two  major-generals,  for  it  had  retreated  to 
Crown  Point  and  had  abandoned  all  hope  of  acting  on 
the  offensive.  Washington,  on  the  other  hand,  was 
greatly  in  need  of  experienced  general  officers,  and  had 
not  been  able  to  give  one  to  Boston  or  to  the  Flying 
Camp,  because  of  the  small  number  available.  Appeal 
ing  to  Congress,  Schuyler  claimed  the  chief  command 
when  the  army  was  this  side  of  Canada,  and  intimated 
that  he  must  be  superseded  if  Gates  be  favored.  A  dis 
puted  command  involved  evils  too  great  and  destructive 
to  permit  of  any  delay  in  the  decision,  and  a  compromise 
was  reached.  Congress  accepted  the  position  of  Schuy 
ler,  but  recommended  the  two  generals  to  carry  on  the 
military  operations  with  harmony  and  in  such  manner 
as  should  best  promote  the  public  service. 

Congress  was  crystallizing  its  own  opinion,  and  pre 
paring  to  recognize  the  inevitable.  That  independence 
could  have  been  declared  before  the  evacuation  of  Bos 
ton  by  the  British,  was  out  of  the  range  of  possibility. 
Two  of  the  colonies  might  have  made  an  independent 
declaration,  Massachusetts  and  Virginia,  and  they  might 
have  been  joined,  with  some  reluctance,  however,  by 
Maryland.  The  act  would  have  been  extreme,  and 
calculated  to  have  shocked  the  other  provinces,  pro 
ducing  a  reaction  in  favor  of  the  mother  country,  and 


New  York  215 

diminishing  the  hope  of  united  colonies.  The  political 
ties  binding  America  to  Great  Britain  were  too  strong  to 
be  rudely  broken,  and  involved  too  many  interests  to  be 
agitated.  At  length,  the  action  was  taken,  and  on  July 
6th  John  Hancock  sent  a  copy  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  to  Washington,  informing  him  of  the  di 
rection  of  Congress  that  it  be  read  to  the  army.  "  The 
Congress,  for  some  time  past,"  he  wrote,  "  have  had 
their  attention  occupied  by  one  of  the  most  interesting 
and  important  subjects,  that  could  possibly  come  before 
them  or  any  other  assembly  of  men.  Although  it  is  not 
possible  to  foresee  the  consequences  of  human  actions, 
yet  it  is,  nevertheless,  a  duty  we  owe  ourselves  and  pos 
terity,  in  all  our  public  councils,  to  decide  in  the  best 
manner  we  are  able,  and  to  leave  the  event  to  that 
Being  who  controls  both  causes  and  events,  to  bring 
about  his  own  determinations.  Impressed  with  this 
sentiment,  and  at  the  same  time  fully  convinced  that 
our  affairs  may  take  a  more  favorable  turn,  the  Con 
gress  have  judged  it  necessary  to  dissolve  the  connec 
tion  between  Great  Britain  and  the  American  Colonies, 
and  to  declare  them  free  and  independent  States."  On 
the  evening  of  the  Qth,  the  Declaration  was  read  to  the 
respective  brigades,  and,  Washington  reported,  "the 
measure  seemed  to  have  their  most  hearty  assent ; 
the  expressions  and  behavior,  both  of  officers  and  men, 
testifying  their  warmest  approbation  of  it."  His  own 
opinion,  as  expressed  to  Hancock,  was  but  an  echo  of  the 
words  used  by  the  President  of  Congress.  "  I  trust  the 
late  decisive  part  they  have  taken  is  calculated  for  that 
end,  and  will  secure  us  that  freedom  and  those  privi 
leges,  which  have  been  and  are  refused  us,  contrary  to 


216  George  Washington 

the  voice  of  nature  and  the  British  constitution."  To 
his  army  he  was  more  direct.  "The  General  hopes 
this  important  event  will  serve  as  a  fresh  incentive  to 
every  officer  and  soldier,  to  act  with  Fidelity  and  Cour 
age,  as  knowing  that  now  the  peace  and  safety  of  his 
Country  depends  (under  God)  solely  on  the  success  of 
our  arms  :  and  that  he  is  now  in  the  service  of  a  State 
possessed  of  sufficient  power  to  reward  his  merit,  and 
advance  him  to  the  highest  honors  of  a  free  country." 

Nor  was  it  only  this  formal  step  towards  freedom 
that  called  the  soldiers  to  the  performance  of  the  no 
blest  exploits  and  heroism.  George  III.  could  not  have 
given  a  better  reason  for  resistance  than  in  hiring  mer 
cenaries  from  the  German  princelings.  When  his 
agents  went  further  and  called  in  the  aid  of  excited 
slaves  and  savages  they  touched  the  most  sensitive  fears 
of  the  Americans.  All  of  the  colonies  had  known  what 
an  Indian  raid  meant,  and  most  of  them  from  very 
recent  experience.  Those  of  the  south  were  in  perpetual 
fear  of  their  slaves,  and  resorted  to  extraordinary  pre 
cautions  to  make  an  uprising  abortive  and  easily  crushed. 
In  self-defense  Congress  looked  to  the  assistance  of 
some  friendly  Indians. 

General  Howe  now  took  the  initiative,  and  sent  two 
ships  of  war  and  three  tenders  past  the  town  of  New 
York  into  the  North  River,  to  obstruct  the  supplies 
coming  down  the  river  for  the  continental  army.  A 
favoring  breeze  and  a  flowing  tide  aided  the  movement, 
and  the  vessels  ran  past  the  batteries  without  receiving 
any  damage,  in  the  face  of  a  heavy  and  incessant  can 
nonade.  This,  as  a  test  of  the  ability  of  the  works  to 
hold  the  fleet  in  check,  was  a  disagreeable  surprise  to 


New  York  217 

Washington.  He  could  not  know  the  intention  of  the 
English  General,  and  believed  he  wished  to  seize  the 
passes  in  the  Highlands,  positions  of  the  greatest  im 
portance.  Warnings  were  sent  to  Brigadier-General 
James  Clinton,  then  in  command  of  these  posts,  and 
while  despatching  them,  the  booming  of  guns  announced 
the  arrival  of  the  second  fleet.  Word  was  soon  brought 
of  one  vessel  flying  a  St.  George's  flag  at  her  foretop- 
mast  head  —  the  flagship  bearing  Lord  Howe.  An 
attack  was  only  the  question  of  a  few  days,  as  the  en 
tire  fleet  must  be  near  at  hand,  unless  the  two  brothers 
should  act  first  under 'their  peace  commission. 

Wishing  to  anticipate  an  operation  by  the  British, 
Washington  proposed  to  make  a  general  attack  on  the 
enemy' s  quarters  on  Staten  Island,  but  met  with  a  unan 
imous  opinion  against  it.  A  partisan  descent  might 
alarm  the  enemy,  and,  if  successful,  would  encourage 
his  own  troops ;  but  an  attempt  of  such  a  character 
must  await  a  fitting  opportunity  for  its  accomplishment. 
Seeking  to  open  negotiations  with  Mr.  Washington, 
the  British  General  received  a  rebuff.  The  incident 
had  every  appearance  of  a  studied  insult  to  the  Amer 
ican  commander,  for  the  title  to  be  used  was  no  new 
matter,  having  been  a  matter  in  dispute  during  the 
siege  of  Boston.  "  I  would  not  upon  any  occasion 
sacrifice  essentials  to  punctilio  ;  but  in  this  instance, 
the  opinion  of  others  concurring  with  my  own,  I 
deemed  it  a  duty  to  my  country  and  my  appointment, 
to  insist  upon  that  respect,  which  in  any  other  than  a 
public  view,  I  would  willingly  have  waived."  Congress 
approved  his  action  and  ordered  no  letter  or  message 
to  be  received  that  was  not  properly  directed.  When 


218  George  Washington 

Howe  did  succeed  in  reaching  Washington  with  his 
message,  the  answer  was  conclusive.  "  He  was  not 
vested  with  any  powers  on  this  subject  by  those  from 
whom  he  derived  his  authority  and  power.  But  from 
what  had  appeared  or  transpired  on  this  head,  Lord 
Howe  and  General  Howe  were  only  to  grant  pardons  ; 
that  those  who  had  committed  no  fault  wanted  no  par 
don,  that  we  were  only  defending  what  we  deemed  our 
indisputable  right."  The  interview  was  more  polite 
than  interesting,  in  Howe's  opinion,  but  he  altered  the 
superscription  of  the  letter,  and  so  secured  the  publica 
tion  of  his  offer  of  pardon. 

Early  in  August  a  number  of  vessels  appeared  in  the 
harbor,  bringing  Clinton  and  Cornwallis  from  their  un 
successful  attempt  against  the  southern  provinces.  The 
Hessians  and  Highlanders  arrived  from  Newfoundland, 
making  the  full  strength  of  the  army  about  thirty 
thousand  men,  experienced  veterans.  The  Continental 
army  numbered  only  17,225,  of  whom  more  than  one 
fifth  were  sick,  and  were  much  divided,  over  a  long  line 
of  defense,  broken  by  waters  and  having  some  points 
distant  fifteen  miles  from  others.  "  Under  every  dis 
advantage,"  was  Washington's  offset  to  the  melancholy 
recital  of  his  weakness,  "  my  utmost  exertions  shall  be 
employed  to  bring  about  the  great  end  we  have  in  view, 
and  so  far  as  I  can  judge  from  the  professions  and  ap 
parent  disposition  of  my  troops,  I  shall  have  their  sup 
port.  The  superiority  of  the  enemy  and  the  expected 
attack,  do  not  seem  to  have  depressed  their  spirits. 
These  considerations  lead  me  to  think  that  tho'  the 
appeal  may  not  terminate  so  happily  in  our  favor  as  I 
could  wish,  yet  they  will  not  succeed  in  their  views 


New  York  219 

without  considerable  loss.  Any  advantage  they  may  get, 
I  trust  will  cost  them  dear."  The  temper  of  some  of  the 
people  may  be  judged  by  the  determination  of  the  in 
habitants  of  King's  County,  on  Long  Island,  not  to 
oppose  the  British,  and  by  such  open  disaffection  of 
many  prominent  citizens  of  New  York  that  it  was 
thought  necessary  to  deport  them. 

Militia  was  hastily  summoned  from  the  neighboring 
regions,  useful  for  harassing  the  enemy,  but  not  entirely 
reliable  as  bulwarks  against  him.  The  military  papers 
of  the  General  were  secretly  sent  to  a  place  of  safety, 
and  the  women,  children,  and  infirm  of  the  city  of  New 
York  were  removed.  Arrangements  were  made  to  picket 
the  river  banks  with  good  marksmen,  to  move  with  the 
ships  as  they  came  up  the  North  River.  The  enemy 
might  land  on  Long  Island,  in  New  Jersey,  or  directly 
on  New  York.  Preparations  must  be  made  in  each 
place  for  receiving  them,  involving  an  expense  of  labor 
that  seemed  useless  after  the  event.  Had  military  mat 
ters  only  to  be  arranged,  the  task  would  have  been 
comparatively  light.  The  susceptibilities  of  the  timid 
and  lukewarm  must  be  soothed,  and  the  people  kept  in 
good  spirits.  A  mere  rumor  that  the  city  could  easily  be 
set  on  fire  should  the  American  army  retreat,  called  out 
an  anxious  inquiry  from  the  Convention  of  New  York. 
Certainly  no  such  rumor  originated  in  any  thought  of 
Washington,  and  he  gave  full  assurances  that  only  the 
last  necessity  —  one  that  should  justify  him  to  the  whole 
world  —  would  induce  him  to  give  such  an  order. 

At  last  the  suspense  was  ended.  On  the  morning  of 
August  22d  a  force  of  the  British  was  landed  at  Graves- 
end  Bay,  upon  Long  Island,  and  marched  towards  New 


220  George  Washington 

York.  The  real  weakness  of  the  American  lines  was 
shown  as  soon  as  put  to  the  test.  A  few  strong  redoubts 
would  offer  some  check  to  an  advancing  force,  but  their 
ability  to  do  this  was  lessened  by  the  flimsy  construction 
of  the  greater  part  of  the  defenses,  which  could  not 
cover  or  protect  their  defenders  from  being  forced  with 
comparative  ease.  The  army  was,  further,  much  divided, 
and  the  duty  of  defending  long  and  extensive  lines,  at 
many  different  places,  without  proper  conveniences,  was 
so  fatiguing  that  the  troops  became  dispirited  by  the  in 
cessant  watching  and  tense  anxiety.  Over  all  hung  the 
fear  that  the  British,  commanding  the  water  as  they  did, 
could  easily  cut  off  retreat  to  New  York,  or  even  retreat 
to  the  country  above  New  York.  An  engagement  on 
the  27th  was  a  partial  test,  and  resulted  in  a  defeat  for 
the  Americans,  occasioning  confusion  and  discourage 
ment  in  the  camps  ;  and  heavy  rains  for  two  days  not 
only  wore  out  the  men,  fully  exposed  to  their  force,  but 
damaged  the  firearms  and  ammunition.  Washington, 
tireless  in  his  attention  to  the  disposition  of  the  troops, 
called  a  council  of  war  on  the  2Qth,  and  it  was  unani 
mously  agreed  to  remove  to  New  York.  The  retreat 
was  made  without  any  loss  of  men  or  ammunition,  all 
the  cannon  and  stores  being  brought  over,  and  only  a 
few  heavy  pieces  left  behind. 

The  crisis  over,  a  reaction  set  in,  and  the  army 
showed  its  demoralization.  The  militia,  instead  of 
calling  forth  their  best  efforts  to  a  brave  and  manly 
opposition,  showed  dismay,  became  intractable,  and 
were  impatient  to  return  to  their  homes.  Great  num 
bers,  and  in  some  cases  whole  regiments  or  companies, 
went  away,  and  their  example  infected  another  part  of 


New  York  221 

the  army,  producing  an  entire  disregard  of  that  order 
and  subordination  necessary  to  the  well-being  of  the 
force.  The  condition  was  alarming,  and  a  large  por 
tion  of  the  army  was  dispirited,  even  despairing.  This, 
too,  in  the  face  of  a  well-appointed  enemy,  superior  in 
strength  to  the  Americans,  and  confident  by  their  re 
cent  success.  As  Washington  saw  his  dwindling  regi 
ments,  and  received  the  proofs  of  disobedience  and 
refusal  of  every  kind  of  restraint  and  government,  he 
admitted  :  "1  am  persuaded,  and  as  fully  convinced  as  I 
am  of  any  one  fact  that  has  happened,  that  our  liberties 
must  of  necessity  be  greatly  hazarded,  if  not  entirely 
lost,  if  their  defense  is  left  to  any  but  a  permanent 
standing  army  ;  I  mean,  one  to  exist  during  the  war." 
The  militia  could  not  be  relied  upon.  "  Men,  who  have 
been  free  and  subject  to  no  control,  cannot  be  reduced 
to  order  in  an  instant ;  and  the  privileges  and  exemp 
tions,  they  claim  and  will  have,  influence  the  conduct 
of  others ;  and  the  aid  derived  from  them  is  nearly 
counterbalanced  by  the  disorder,  irregularity,  and  con 
fusion  they  occasion." 

This  situation  was  producing  in  him  a  distrust  of  his 
ability  to  hold  New  York  against  the  British,  something 
of  which  he  had  entertained  no  doubt.  Were  the  men  to 
do  their  duty,  all  would  yet  be  well  ;  but  he  saw  clearly 
no  dependence  could  be  placed  upon  them,  and  he  so 
informed  the  Continental  Congress.  It  would  be  crimi 
nal,  he  thought,  to  conceal  the  truth  at  so  critical  a 
juncture.  What  must  be  done  with  New  York  ?  To 
permit  it  to  stand  would  give  the  enemy  good  winter 
quarters  ;  to  destroy  it  would  involve  an  incalculable 
loss.  In  full  confidence  of  their  ability  to  recover  it, 


222  George  Washington 

Congress  directed  that  no  damage  be  done  to  the  city, 
and  ordered  reinforcements  from  every  state.  Had 
time  permitted,  the  measures  might  have  been  effective, 
but  time  was  the  one  thing  not  to  be  granted.  The 
construction  of  a  strong  encampment  on  the  Jersey  side 
of  the  North  River,  opposite  to  Mount  Washington, 
was  directed  to  be  done  by  Brigadier-General  Mercer, 
under  urgent  orders.  And  on  September  4th,  to  guard 
against  every  contingency,  all  stores  that  were  unneces 
sary,  or  not  immediately  wanted,  were  removed  above 
Kingsbridge. 

During  these  anxious  days  little  of  importance  could 
be  learned  of  the  enemy's  movements  or  intentions. 
Occasionally  a  ship  would  sail  past  the  island,  and  draw 
out  a  harmless  cannonade  from  the  shore  works.  The 
main  part  of  the  fleet  was  assembling  close  to  Gov 
ernor's  Island,  while  large  encampments  were  formed 
on  the  Sound,  convenient  to  landing  to  the  north  of  the 
American  forces.  A  manoeuvre  of  this  kind  would  hem 
in  the  army,  and  cut  off  all  communication  with  the  coun 
try.  The  island  of  New  York  could  not  be  held  long 
against  such  odds,  even  if  the  whole  army  was  collected 
in  the  city,  leaving  the  country  exposed  to  the  enemy's 
incursions.  The  hazard  of  making  a  successful  defense 
of  the  city  was  too  great,  for  it  might  involve  the  loss 
of  the  army  and  its  stores.  Yet  to  abandon  the  place, 
generally  supposed  to  be  defensible,  and  the  works  on 
which  so  much  labor  had  been  expended,  would  tend  to 
dispirit  the  troops,  and  enfeeble  the  cause  for  which  they 
were  contending.  Unprepared  for  a  winter  campaign 
the  health  and  comfort  of  the  men  must  be  weighed, 
and  furnished  good  reason  for  not  putting  too  much  to 


New  York  223 

the  risk.  "  It  was  impossible  to  forget,"  was  Washing 
ton's  opinion,  "  what  history,  our  own  experience,  the 
advice  of  our  ablest  friends  in  Europe,  the  fears  of  the 
enemy,  and  even  the  declarations  of  Congress,  demon 
strate,  that  on  our  side  the  war  should  be  defenisve  (it 
has  even  been  called  a  war  of  posts),  that  we  should  on 
all  occasions  avoid  a  general  action,  nor  put  anything  to 
risk,  unless  compelled  by  a  necessity  into  which  we 
ought  never  to  be  drawn." 

A  council  of  war  considered  the  question  on  Sep 
tember  5th,  and  determined  to  recommend  half  meas 
ures.  Some  of  the  officers  behind  Congress  wished  the 
city  to  be  maintained  at  every  hazard  ;  admitting  at  the 
same  time  that  a  bombardment  would  make  it  untenable. 
Unwilling  to  evacuate  the  city  totally,  and  fearing  to 
concentrate  the  entire  army  in  it  for  defense,  the  force 
at  hand  was  arranged  in  three  divisions.  One  of  these, 
comprising  five  thousand  men,  was  to  remain  in  the 
city ;  a  second,  composed  of  nine  thousand  men,  was  to 
be  at  or  near  Kingsbridge  ;  and  the  third  was  to  occupy 
the  intermediate  space,  to  give  support  wherever  it  was 
most  required.  It  was  plain  the  counsel  of  the  timid 
had  prevailed,  for  every  good  reason  urged  a  full  and 
immediate  abandonment  of  the  city.  General  Greene 
recognized  the  necessity  of  this,  and  did  not  hesitate  to 
call  for  a  "  general  and  speedy  retreat,"  as  the  honor 
and  interest  of  America  depended  upon  it.  The  enemy 
had  such  an  immense  advantage  in  their  fleet  while  the 
Americans  remained  on  the  island,  that  they  would 
succeed  by  weight  of  numbers  wherever  they  might  op 
erate.  To  remove  to  the  country  above  Kingsbridge 
would  deprive  them  of  much  of  this  advantage,  and 


224  George  Washington 

at  least  keep  the  army  together  and  reduce  the  possi 
bility  of  its  destruction,  with  all  its  hardly  obtained 
supplies.  John  Jay  pleaded  that  the  retreat  be  made, 
and  New  York  laid  desolate  ;  but  the  very  word  was 
infected  with  reproach,  and  the  lame  conclusion  was 
adopted  by  the  majority  of  doing  nothing  decisive.  It 
was  now  only  a  question  of  time  when  the  British  would 
take  possession  of  the  place,  for  they  were  evidently  in 
tending  to  winter  there.  Some  delay  might  be  created, 
but  beyond  that  nothing  of  moment.  The  militia  melted 
away  from  day  to  day,  taking  arms  and  ammunition,  so 
much  needed  in  the  camp.  To  break  up  the  roads 
leading  from  Kingsbridge,  to  urge  forward  the  works 
on  the  river,  and  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy, 
became  the  most  pressing  cares  of  Washington.  Such 
militia  as  came,  was  posted  above  the  Harlem  River, 
more  to  make  a  brave  appearance  of  force  before  the 
enemy,  than  to  render  aid  in  battle. 

Day  by  day  the  situation  became  clearer,  and  offi 
cers  who  had  advised  that  no  retreat  be  made,  came  to 
admit  that  the  position  of  the  army  was  extremely  peril 
ous.  The  British  were  intent  upon  making  Washington 
fight  on  their  own  terms,  and  with  the  odds  almost 
hopelessly  against  him.  A  sufficient  number  of  the 
general  officers  induced  Washington  to  call  a  second 
council,  when  a  majority  of  his  advisers  favored  a  re 
treat.  Only  three  members  of  the  conference,  Generals 
Spencer,  Clinton,  and  Heath,  were  dissenting,  and  their 
influence  was  slight  when  compared  to  that  on  the  other 
side.  Preparations  were  at  once  made  to  remove  all 
the  stores,  and  they  were  conducted  under  the  guns  of 
some  English  ships-of-war. 


New  York  225 

Scarcely  was  the  retreat  effected,  when  its  wisdom 
was  proved.  From  the  house  of  Colonel  Morris,  on 
the  Heights  of  Harlem,  where  the  island  is  a  little  over 
a  mile  wide,  Washington  issued  his  orders.  A  part  of 
his  force  was  entrenched  in  a  double  line,  stretching 
almost  across  the  island,  well  prepared  for  an  attack  on 
the  front,  but  much  exposed  to  a  flank  or  rear  move 
ment.  The  English  ships  sailed  up  the  North  and 
East  rivers,  and  at  Montresor's  Island,  above  Hell 
Gate,  they  had  massed  a  good  number  of  men.  In  the 
early  morning  of  September  i5th,  they  began  to  clear 
the  ground  by  a  cannonade,  and  to  land  troops  between 
Turtle  Bay  and  the  city,  at  a  place  where  slight  breast 
works  had  been  thrown  up  to  prevent  a  landing.  Upon 
hearing  the  firing  Washington  promptly  went  to  the 
field  and  found  the  troops  that  had  been  posted  on  the 
lines  in  full  retreat,  and  two  brigades,  ordered  to  sup 
port  them,  flying  in  every  direction.  Surprise  soon 
gave  place  to  mortification,  and  this  was  increased 
when,  on  the  appearance  of  about  fifty  of  the  enemy, 
the  Americans  ran,  leaving  Washington  on  the  ground 
within  eighty  yards  of  the  enemy,  "  so  vexed  at  the 
infamous  conduct  of  the  troops,  that  he  sought  death 
rather  than  life."  He  exhausted  every  effort  to  rally 
and  get  them  into  some  order.  He  drew  his  sword,  and 
threatened  to  run  them  through  ;  he  cocked  and  snapped 
his  pistols,  but  without  result.  The  disorder  became  a 
rout,  and  the  two  brigades  went  off  without  firing  a  shot 
— "  disgraceful  and  dastardly  conduct,"  was  Washing 
ton's  comment.  General  Howe  was  naturally  pleased  to 
report  to  his  superiors  that  he  had  landed  without  en 
countering  the  "  least  opposition."  For  the  Americans, 


226  George  Washington 

it  only  remained  to  retreat,  and  with  no  brilliant  pros 
pects  of  making  a  stand.  "  We  are  now  encamped 
with  the  main  body  of  the  army  on  the  Heights  of 
Haerlem,  where  I  should  hope  the  enemy  would  meet 
with  a  defeat  in  case  of  an  attack,  if  the  generality  of 
our  troops  would  behave  with  tolerable  bravery.  But 
experience,  to  my  extreme  affliction,  has  convinced  me 
that  this  is  rather  to  be  wished  for  than  expected. 
However,  I  trust  that  there  are  many  who  will  act  like 
men,  and  show  themselves  worthy  of  the  blessings  of 
freedom." 

The  hope  was  soon  fulfilled ;  for  in  a  skirmish  on 
the  1 6th,  the  Americans  behaved  with  bravery  and  in 
trepidity,  securing  some  advantage,  and  fighting  well 
even  after  their  leaders  had  been  shot  down. 

Criticism  from  the  enemy  could  easily  be  endured 
and  answered  on  a  proper  occasion.  The  criticism  of 
friends,  often  made  indirectly  and  in  the  formality  of  a 
resolution  of  a  convention  or  legislation,  was  more  diffi 
cult  to  bear,  and  the  motives  more  obscure.  The  head 
of  the  army  was  quick  to  realize  the  defects  of  its  or 
ganization,  and  had  been  free  in  suggesting  changes 
and  new  methods.  Using  such  instruments  as  were  at 
hand,  he  had  sought  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  perma 
nent  army,  bound  together  by  that  confidence  and 
intimacy  which  could  alone  give  it  consistency.  These 
instruments  were  imperfect ;  Congress  acted  haltingly 
on  his  recommendations,  and  often  gave  a  half-measure 
which  could  not  cure  the  defect ;  and  the  States  fell  far 
short  of  what  was  expected  of  them.  Criticism  from  a 
member  of  a  legislature  or  of  Congress  carried  weight, 
and  the  most  obvious  retort,  that  he  was  in  great,  perhaps 


New  York  227 

in  greater,  part  responsible  for  the  existing  conditions, 
could  not  be  given.  John  Adams,  returning  from 
his  conference  with  General  Howe,  saw  straggling  sol 
diers  on  the  road,  and  many  loitering  in  the  public- 
houses.  He  conceived  there  was  a  want  of  discipline, 
and,  instead  of  laying  the  blame  on  the  militia,  sought 
to  charge  it  to  the  general  officers.  Returning  to  Con 
gress  he  framed  a  resolution  imposing  upon  those  over 
worked  officers  positive  orders  to  inure  the  men  to  the 
most  exemplary  discipline.  This  well  meant  but  of 
ficious  instruction  was  sent  to  the  General,  already  bur 
dened  with  cares  and  much  indisposed  through  worry. 
The  trouble  was  too  deep-seated  to  be  covered  by 
such  a  resolution.  Had  the  men  in  the  first  weeks  of 
the  contest,  when  under  the  fervor  of  irritation  and  in 
flamed  passions,  been  engaged  for  the  war,  much  of  the 
difficulty  since  encountered  would  have  been  obviated. 
As  the  months  passed  without  bringing  the  prospect 
of  a  termination  nearer,  their  ardor  had  cooled,  and 
both  officers  and  men  reasoned  on  their  attitude.  In 
terest  made  itself  felt.  "After  the  first  emotions  are 
over,  to  expect  among  such  people  as  compose  the  bulk 
of  an  army,  that  they  are  influenced  by  any  other 
principles  than  those  of  interest,  is  to  look  for  what 
never  did,  and  I  fear  never  will  happen  ;  the  Congress 
will  deceive  themselves,  therefore,  if  they  expect  it. 
.  .  .  The  few,  therefore,  who  act  upon  principles  of 
disinterestedness,  comparatively  speaking,  are  no  more 
than  a  drop  in  the  ocean."  To  obtain  men  a  liberal 
bounty  must  be  paid ;  to  secure  good  officers,  reason 
able  pay  and  a  permanent  footing  must  be  offered. 
Something  was  due  to  the  man  who  abandoned  the 


228  George  Washington 

sweets  of  domestic  enjoyments  to  risk  his  health,  much 
more  his  life,  in  the  cause.  He  should  at  least  be  in 
dependent  of  everybody  but  the  State  he  served,  and 
not  be  driven  by  a  scanty  pittance  to  low  and  dirty  arts, 
or  to  filch  from  the  public  to  make  good  his  necessities. 
Quite  as  essential  was  a  change  in  the  manner  of 
selecting  officers.  Character,  not  popularity,  should 
count.  The  offer  of  a  bounty  in  money,  a  suit  of  clothes, 
and  some  public  land  to  every  man  enlisting  would 
interfere  in  a  measure  with  the  ability  of  an  officer  to 
obtain  recruits  through  personal  favor  or  influence. 
"  While  the  only  merit  an  officer  possesses  is  his  ability 
to  raise  men,  while  those  men  consider  and  treat  him  as 
an  equal,  and,  in  the  character  of  an  officer,  regard  him 
no  more  than  a  broomstick,  being  mixed  together  as 
one  common  herd,  no  order  nor  discipline  can  prevail ; 
nor  will  the  officer  ever  meet  with  that  respect  which  is 
essentially  necessary  to  due  subordination."  This  might 
have  been  written  in  the  summer  of  1775,  for  in  more 
than  a  year  Congress  had  taken  no  effective  step  to 
wards  consolidating  the  army  into  a  compact  whole. 
Joseph  Reed,  about  to  resign  his  position  as  Adjutant- 
General,  was  baffled  by  the  spirit  of  equality  which 
prevailed  between  officers  and  men.  An  attempt  to 
introduce  discipline  only  made  the  officer  odious  and 
detestable.  Militia  gave  too  mixed  a  force  to  be  readily 
assimilated,  and  too  independent  a  body  to  be  brought 
easily  to  recognize  the  need  of  subordination.  "  Re 
laxed  and  as  unfit  as  our  rules  and  regulations  of  war 
are  for  the  government  of  an  army,  the  militia  (those 
properly  so  called,  for  of  these  we  have  two  sorts,  the 
six-months'  men,  and  those  sent  in  as  a  temporary  aid) 


New  York  229 

do  not  think  themselves  subject  to  them,  and  therefore 
take  liberties,  which  the  soldier  is  punished  for.  This 
creates  jealousy ;  jealousy  begets  dissatisfaction  ;  and 
these  by  degrees  ripen  into  mutiny,  keeping  the  whole 
army  in  a  confused  and  disordered  state,  rendering  the 
time  of  those,  who  wish  to  see  regularity  and  good 
order  prevail,  more  unhappy  than  words  can  describe." 

The  expense  of  militia  was  far  more  than  that  of  a 
standing  army,  and  would  alone  condemn  a  resort  to  it. 
The  dangers  to  be  apprehended  from  a  standing  force 
were  too  remote  to  be  dreaded  ;  but  the  consequences 
of  wanting  an  army  were  certain  and  inevitable  ruin. 
"  If  I  was  called  upon  to  declare  upon  oath,  whether 
the  militia  have  been  most  serviceable  or  hurtful  upon 
the  whole,  I  would  subscribe  to  the  latter.  I  do  not 
mean  by  this,  however,  to  arraign  the  conduct  of  Con 
gress  ;  in  so  doing  I  should  equally  condemn  my  own 
measures,  if  I  did  not  my  own  judgment ;  but  experi 
ence,  which  is  the  best  criterion  to  work  by,  so  fully, 
clearly,  and  decisively  reprobates  the  practice  of  trust 
ing  to  militia,  that  no  man,  who  regards  order,  regular 
ity,  and  economy,  or  who  has  any  regard  for  his  own 
honor,  character,  or  peace  of  mind,  will  risk  them  upon 
this  issue." 

If  Congress  had  intended  to  put  him  on  the  defen 
sive,  no  more  effective  method  could  have  been  taken. 
To  criticise  the  outward  appearance  of  the  army  was  to 
imply  that  the  officers  were  neglectful  of  their  duty  ;  and 
for  the  conduct  of  the  officers  Washington  was  respon 
sible.  The  slight  was  set  aside  in  his  reply  to  Congress, 
and  he  once  more  urged  the  reforms  needed  for  consti 
tuting  a  new  army.  To  his  kinsman,  Lund  Washington, 


230  George  Washington 

he  showed  how  deeply  the  criticism  had  been  felt. 
"  Such  is  my  situation  that  if  I  were  to  wish  the  bitter 
est  curse  to  an  enemy  on  this  side  of  the  grave,  I  should 
put  him  in  my  stead  with  my  feelings  ;  and  yet  I  do  not 
know  what  plan  of  conduct  to  pursue.  I  see  the  impos 
sibility  of  serving  with  reputation,  or  doing  any  essential 
service  to  the  cause  by  continuing  in  command,  and  yet 
I  am  told  that  if  I  quit  the  command  inevitable  ruin  will 
follow  from  the  distraction  that  will  ensue.  In  confi 
dence  I  tell  you  that  I  never  was  in  such  an  unhappy, 
divided  state  since  I  was  born.  To  lose  all  comfort 
and  happiness  on  the  one  hand,  whilst  I  am  fully  per 
suaded  that  under  such  a  system  of  management  as  has 
been  adopted,  I  cannot  have  the  least  chance  for  repu 
tation,  nor  those  allowances  made  which  the  nature  of 
the  case  requires ;  and  to  be  told,  on  the  other,  that  if 
I  leave  the  service  all  will  be  lost,  is,  at  the  same  time 
that  I  am  bereft  of  every  peaceful  moment,  distressing 
to  a  degree." 

While  speaking  of  his  personal  responsibility,  there 
was  nothing  of  this  bitterness  in  his  reply  to  Congress, 
and  he  carefully  avoided  any  reproach*  on  that  body. 
"  An  army  formed  of  good  officers  moves  like  clock 
work  ;  but  there  is  no  situation  upon  earth  less  envi 
able,  nor  more  distressing,  than  that  person's,  who  is  at 
the  head  of  troops  which  are  regardless  of  order  and 
discipline,  and  who  are  unprovided  with  almost  every 
necessary.  In  a  word,  the  difficulties,  which  have  for 
jever  surrounded  me  since  I  have  been  in  the  service, 
and  kept  my  mind  constantly  upon  the  stretch,  the 
wounds,  which  my  feelings  as  an  officer  have  received 
by  a  thousand  things,  which  have  happened  contrary  to 


New  York  231 

my  expectation  and  wishes ;  the  effect  of  my  own  con 
duct,  and  present  appearances  of  things,  so  little  pleas 
ing  to  myself,  as  to  render  it  a  matter  of  no  surprise  to 
me  if  I  should  stand  capitally  censured  by  Congress  ; 
added  to  a  consciousness  of  my  inability  to  govern  an 
army  composed  of  such  discordant  parts,  and  under 
such  a  variety  of  intricate  and  perplexing  circum 
stances  ;  —  induces  not  only  a  belief,  but  a  thorough 
conviction  in  my  mind,  that  it  will  be  impossible,  un 
less  there  is  a  thorough  change  in  our  military  system, 
for  me  to  conduct  matters  in  such  a  manner  as  to  give 
satisfaction  to  the  public,  which  is  all  the  recompense  I 
aim  at,  or  ever  wished  for." 


CHAPTER  XIII 


TRENTON 

RANTED  and  granting  a  long  res 
pite  from  hostilities,  the  English 
once  more  took  the  initiative. 
Crossing  over  to  the  Jerseys  they 
readily  captured  Perth  Amboy,  and 
gave  occasion  to  a  belief  that  Phil 
adelphia  was  their  object.  With 
ready  money  and  promises  they  raised  loyalist  corps 
both  in  the  Jerseys  and  Connecticut.  Long  Island,  be 
ing  completely  under  their  control,  had  no  alternative ; 
the  inhabitants]  were  invited  to  be  enrolled,  and  should 
they  hold  back,  a  draft  was  to  be  enforced.  Even  from 
Westchester  county  recruits  came  in  such  numbers  as 
to  attract  the  attention  of  Washington,  who  sought 
to  check  this  movement,  denouncing  the  "  parricides." 
Should  a  reverse  come  to  the  Continental  arms  this 
process  of  forming  a  loyal  American  army  would  be 
accelerated,  whereas  it  would  mean  ruin  to  the  Conti 
nental  cause.  Such  was  the  distrust  and  jealousy  of  the 
military  power  in  Congress  and  the  States,  that  the 
commander  was  hampered.  While  De  Lancey  could 
promise  rank  and  rewards  to  such  as  came  to  him,  it 


232 


Trenton  233 

was  beyond  the  power  of  Washington,  even  by  recom 
mendation,  to  give  the  least  assurances  of  reward  for 
the  most  essential  services. 

A  new  embarrassment  presented  itself.  Silas  Deane 
had  been  sent  to  Europe  to  offer  the  commerce  of  the 
English  colonies  of  America  to  any  power  that  would 
give  aid  in  men,  money,  or  military  stores.  In  France 
he  met  with  such  a  degree  of  encouragement  as  to  at 
tract  the  attention  of  men  of  military  tastes  and  expe 
rience,  good  and  indifferent.  The  adventurer,  puffing 
his  own  titles  gained  in  his  short  and  rather  ornamental 
service,  came  forward  more  readily  than  those  whose 
merits  had  secured  to  them  high  positions  in  the  French 
army.  With  very  undefined  authority,  and  with  too 
great  an  eagerness  to  obtain  those  skilled  in  war  under 
the  belief  that  such  were  wanted  in  America,  Deane 
was  imposed  upon,  and  granted  letters  of  recommenda 
tion  to  men  who  had  no  claim  to  any  position,  however 
low,  in  the  service.  To  Congress  these  imported  offi 
cers  presented  their  recommendations,  and  from  Con 
gress  they  asked  the  highest  offices  in  the  army, 
asserting  claims  which  if  valid  would  have  assured 
them  a  position  in  Europe  beyond  any  temptation 
offered  by  colonial  or  foreign  service.  Congress  weakly 
gave  them  commissions  and  sent  them  to  headquarters 
for  employment. 

The  rules  of  ordinary  hospitality  would  not  avail  to 
dispose  of  them.  They  appeared  to  be  "  genteel  and 
sensible  men,"  but  did  not  speak  the  language.  Stran 
gers  to  the  country  and  the  people,  no  State  would  find 
a  place  for  them  in  the  new  battalions,  unless  specially 
directed  to  do  so  by  Congress.  An  interference  in  the 


234  George  Washington 

appointment  of  officers,  after  ceding  the  whole  subject 
to  the  States,  would  be  fruitful  of  distrust  and  jealousy. 
Washington  had  no  places  at  his  disposal,  yet  they  must 
be  provided  for,  or  linger  idle  in  the  camp,  an  obstruc 
tion  to  the  making  of  the  new  army.  A  separate  corps, 
to  be  increased  as  other  foreigners  presented  them 
selves,  was  suggested,  but  it  was  a  suggestion  that 
could  not  bear  fruit.  Meanwhile  the  strangers  contin 
ued  to  come,  and,  amazed  at  some  of  the  positions 
granted  to  men  who  had  been  their  inferiors  in  the 
French  service,  grew  importunate  in  their  demands, 
claiming  the  highest  rank,  with  the  alternative  of  re 
turning  to  Europe  to  spread  their  grievance  to  the  pos 
sible  discouragement  of  real  assistance  to  the  American 
cause.  Congress  was  too  lavish  in  its  distribution  of 
commissions,  and  it  was  on  Washington  that  the  result 
ing  embarrassments  fell. 

With  the  British  holding  the  river  on  the  west  and 
having  a  large  force  at  Frog's  Point  in  their  rear,  the 
Americans  must  again  move  their  position  or  fight  at 
such  a  disadvantage  as  to  make  the  issue  certain.  The 
general  officers,  Clinton  alone  opposing,  in  council  and 
after  long  debate  decided  to  retreat,  leaving  a  garrison 
at  Fort  Washington.  This  took  the  entire  American 
force,  except  the  regiments  left  in  the  fort  garrison, 
from  the  island  of  New  York.  So  far  from  giving  sta 
bility,  it  gave  the  enemy  the  suggestion  required,  and 
from  October  22d  to  November  6th  hardly  a  day  passed 
without  some  skirmish.  Kingsbridge  was  occupied  by 
the  English,  and  General  Greene,  at  Fort  Lee,  lately 
known  as  Fort  Constitution,  was  threatened  with  an 
assault.  Uncertain  of  the  final  object  of  Howe's 


Trenton  235 

movements,  Washington  believed  the  Jerseys  to  be  the 
most  probable,  and  arranged  his  force  so  as  to  permit 
a  strong  detachment  to  be  sent  across  the  river,  while 
a  second  body  was  to  defend  the  Highlands.  All  doubt 
was  solved  when  Fort  Washington  became  the  centre 
of  operations. 

To  Washington,  conscious  of  the  weakness  of  his 
position  from  want  of  men  to  defend  many  stations  or 
long  lines  of  defense,  the  retention  of  the  redoubts  was 
not  all-important.  The  militia  was  dwindling  away 
daily,  and  no  steps  had  been  taken  to  raise  the  new 
army.  As  yet  the  new  force  was  on  paper  only,  and 
there  was  a  vast  difference  between  voting  of  battalions 
and  raising  of  men.  The  necessity  for  keeping  what 
army  existed  was  imperative,  but  to  divide  it  into  garri 
sons,  and  coop  them  up  in  detached  and  separate  po 
sitions,  however  well  fortified,  was  to  invite  disaster. 
Position  after  position  was  abandoned  in  accordance 
with  this  theory,  and  Fort  Washington  was  the  only 
post  of  importance  retained.  The  expediency  of  hold 
ing  it,  were  the  enemy  to  possess  the  surrounding 
country  and  enjoy  free  passage  of  the  river,  was  ques 
tioned  by  Washington,  and  he  suggested  to  Greene, 
then  in  command,  to  remove  the  men  and  stores,  leav 
ing  the  matter  to  his  judgment.  The  confidence  of 
Greene  overpersuaded  him,  and  he  did  not  enjoin  the 
evacuation  of  the  place,  as  he  really  wished  to  do.  A 
few  days  later  he  saw  it  attacked  and  captured  by  the 
British  forces,  chiefly  the  Hessians,  and  knew  that  his 
army  was  smaller  by  two  thousand  trained  soldiers, 
with  all  the  guns  and  stores  in  the  fort.  Without 
expressing  his  chagrin  or  seeking  in  any  way  to  shift 


236  George  Washington 

the  responsibility  for  the  loss,  he  informed  Congress. 
It  was  to  maintain  a  passage  of  the  river  that  the  place 
was  held,  he  said,  an  object  of  so  much  consequence 
that  he  thought  no  pains  or  expense  too  great  for  that 
purpose.  His  plan  had  failed,  and  he  could  not  for 
bear  showing  his  feelings  to  his  brother.  "This  is  a 
most  unfortunate  affair,  and  has  given  me  great  morti 
fication."  Yet  Congress  was  fully  as  responsible,  if  not 
more  so,  for  the  result,  as  General  Greene  or  Wash 
ington  himself.  For  it  had  ordered  him  to  effectually 
obstruct,  by  every  art  and  at  whatever  expense,  the  nav 
igation  of  the  river  at  that  point,  and  it  was  in  pur 
suance  of  that  direction  that  the  fort  was  maintained 
until  it  was  too  late  to  retreat  or  to  succor  the  garrison. 
Fort  Lee,  by  the  loss  of  Fort  Washington,  became  of 
no  importance,  and  was  abandoned,  much  of  the  stores 
being  taken  to  the  interior  towns,  but  many  guns  fall 
ing  into  the  possession  of  the  enemy.  So  small  was 
the  Continental  army  in  New  Jersey  that  no  resistance 
could  be  offered.  The  militia  faded  away  daily,  and 
the  new  and  raw  levies  came  in  slowly.  Washington 
could  only  retreat,  and  every  mile  thus  taken  increased 
the  despondency  of  the  soldiers  and  the  disaffection  of 
the  inhabitants. 

From  a  military  point  of  view  the  situation  offered 
little  reason  for  hope.  The  tents  and  baggage  of  the 
army  had  been  lost,  and  the  cold  weather  was  at  hand. 
The  country  was  almost  a  dead  level,  but  there  was  not 
an  entrenching  tool  to  be  had.  A  wide  expanse  of  rich 
country  was  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  the  enemy,  offer 
ing  him  the  supplies  which  would  enable  him  to  hold  all 
his  conquests.  The  very  aspect  of  the  land  changed  the 


Trenton  237 

conditions  of  the  campaign,  and  exposed  the  weakness 
of  the  Americans  in  field  artillery.  In  the  broken  ground 
near  New  York  this  want  had  not  been  greatly  felt,  but 
it  now  became  a  crying  need.  Without  it,  a  defensive 
plan  of  operations  would  be  difficult ;  one  of  offense, 
impossible.  A  train  of  artillery  could  not  be  made  in 
America,  but  must  be  procured  from  France  or  Hol 
land,  and  at  what  delay  !  "  I  have  resolved  to  avoid 
any  attack,"  Washington  announced  to  his  generals,  and 
it  was  a  full  confession  of  weakness.  Calling  upon  Lee 
to  join  him  in  the  Jerseys,  he  sought  to  gather  a  force 
sufficiently  large  to  check  the  predatory  excursions  of 
the  enemy,  and  to  produce  political  effects  in  the  coun 
try  of  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania.  An  appearance  of  force 
might  accomplish  both  objects,  but  even  with  Lee's  bri 
gade,  the  entire  army  would  be  inferior  to  that  of  the 
English. 

Lee  was  developing  an  independent  judgment. 
Whatever  his  real  abilities  as  a  strategist  were, —  and 
they  were  never  really  put  to  the  test, —  he  was  wanting 
in  that  prime  quality  of  obedience  to  orders.  To  Wash 
ington's  suggestions  he  returned  some  of  his  own,  de 
signed  to  keep  him  on  the  New  York  side  of  the  river 
and  in  an  independent  command.  He  hesitated  to  com 
ply,  and  ordered  Heath  to  send  two  thousand  of  the  men 
of  his  command,  an  order  properly  disregarded,  as  con 
trary  to  Washington's  express  instructions  to  Heath. 
He  had  assiduously  cultivated  favor  with  Congress  and 
the  State  assemblies,  and  his  assertiveness  had  given 
him  a  reputation  for  directness  and  positive  strength  of 
purpose.  After  the  fall  of  Fort  Lee,  Reed  wrote  him 
a  very  injudicious  letter,  commenting  on  the  "  indecisive 


238  George  Washington 

mind  "  of  Washington,  and  indirectly  praising  Lee  for 
the  opposite  quality.  The  flattery  was  taken  in  good 
part,  and  in  his  reply  Lee  confessed  that  he  really 
thought  his  chief  would  do  better  with  him  than  with 
out  him.  The  letter  came  at  a  time  when  Reed  was 
absent  in  Burlington,  to  be  opened  and  read  by  Wash 
ington  with  feelings  more  of  pain  than  of  suspicion. 

Although  the  directions  for  Lee  to  cross  the  river 
were  sent  on  November  2ist,  a  full  week  passed  before 
he  moved.  The  English  were  in  a  position  to  interfere 
with  his  march  through  the  Jerseys,  and  what  would 
have  been  a  simple  matter  at  the  first,  now  became  a 
source  of  great  anxiety  to  Washington.  From  Hack- 
ensack  to  Newark,  and  from  Newark  to  Brunswick,  so 
closely  followed  by  the  English  that  their  van  entered 
Newark  as  the  American  rear-guard  was  leaving  it, 
Washington  led  his  small  force.  Substantial  aid  could 
hardly  be  expected  from  the  counties  in  the  possession 
of  the  enemy ;  it  was  difficult  to  obtain  information  of 
Howe's  movements.  It  could  not  be  known  that  he 
had  no  intention  of  marching  to  Philadelphia,  content 
with  gaining  a  footing  in  New  Jersey,  where  he  could 
quarter  a  large  body  of  troops  for  the  winter,  and  ob 
tain  shelter,  forage,  and  fresh  provisions.  In  truth,  he 
looked  upon  the  campaign  as  closed. 

Howe  slowly  pushed  Washington  back,  until  he  had 
placed  him  on  the  west  side  of  the  Delaware.  Here  a 
stand  might  have  been  made,  had  not  two  brigades  left 
the  army  at  Brunswick,  a  loss  which  compelled  a  further 
retreat,  and  a  most  urgent  appeal  to  Lee  to  hasten  his 
march.  From  the  letters  of  that  erratic  man  Washing 
ton  believed  he  had  crossed  the  North  River  on  the 


Trenton  239 

26th  of  November ;  but  in  reality  the  crossing  was  not 
made  until  December  2d,  with  nearly  a  week's  precious 
time  wasted  to  no  purpose.  Daily  expresses  had  been 
sent  to  him  from  headquarters,  but  no  reply  had  been 
received,  and  his  plans  and  movements  were  unknown 
to  Congress  as  well  as  to  Washington.  St.  Clair  had 
joined  him,  and  yet  he  applied  for  instructions  to  gov 
ern  his  march,  still  wishing  to  take  a  part  of  Heath's 
command  with  him.  Washington  rather  curtly  told  him 
not  to  bring  any  of  Heath's  men,  and  to  direct  his 
march  according  to  circumstances,  of  which  he  must  be 
the  judge.  Stirling  was  at  Princeton,  directing  the 
removal  of  stores  and  baggage  across  the  Delaware,  and 
Washington  was  at  Trenton,  only  awaiting  the  time 
when  he  would  be  strong  enough  in  men  to  turn  back 
and  seek  to  check  the  enemy's  advance.  From  the 
time  he  had  turned  his  back  on  New  York  he  had  been 
frustrated  at  every  turn  that  promised  advantage,  by 
the  error  of  short  enlistments.  He  saw  an  opportu 
nity  of  giving  the  enemy  a  setback  at  every  river  he 
had  crossed,  but  never  had  he  possessed  an  army  of  suf 
ficient  strength.  Once  more  he  gave  to  Congress  his 
warning : 

"  My  first  wish  is,  that  Congress  may  be  convinced 
of  the  impropriety  of  relying  upon  the  militia,  and  of 
the  necessity  of  raising  a  larger  standing  army,  than 
what  they  have  voted.  The  saving  in  the  article  of 
stores,  provisions,  and  in  a  thousand  other  things,  by 
having  nothing  to  do  with  militia  unless  in  cases  of  ex 
traordinary  exigency,  and  such  as  could  not  be  expected 
in  the  common  course  of  events,  would  amply  support 
a  large  army,  which,  well  officered,  would  be  daily 


240  George  Washington 

improving,  instead  of  continuing  a  destructive,  expensive, 
and  disorderly  mob.  I  am  clear  in  the  opinion,  that  if 
forty  thousand  men  had  been  kept  in  constant  pay  since 
the  first  commencement  of  hostilities,  and  the  militia 
had  been  excused  from  doing  duty  during  that  period, 
the  Continent  would  have  saved  money.  When  I  re 
flect  on  the  losses  we  have  sustained  for  want  of  good 
troops,  the  certainty  of  this  is  placed  beyond  a  doubt  in 
my  mind.  In  such  a  case,  the  militia,  who  have  been  har 
assed  and  tried  by  repeated  calls  upon  them,  and  farm 
ing  and  manufactures  in  a  manner  suspended,  would, 
upon  any  pressing  emergency,  have  run  with  alacrity  to 
arms  ;  whereas,  the  cry  now  is,  '  they  may  be  as  well 
ruined  in  one  way  as  another ' ;  and  with  difficulty  they 
are  obtained.  I  mention  these  things  to  show,  that,  in 
my  opinion,  if  any  dependence  is  placed  in  the  militia 
another  year,  Congress  will  be  deceived.  When  dan 
ger  is  a  little  removed  from  them,  they  will  not  turn  out 
at  all.  When  it  comes  home  to  them,  the  well-affected 
instead  of  flying  to  arms  to  defend  themselves,  are 
busily  employed  in  removing  their  families  and  ef 
fects,  whilst  the  disaffected  are  concerting  measures 
to  make  their  submission,  and  spread  terror  and  dismay 
all  around,  to  induce  others  to  follow  their  example. 
Daily  experience  and  abundant  proofs  warrant  this  in 
formation.  " 

So  far  had  the  British  advanced  into  New  Jersey 
that  some  of  their  parties  were  beyond  Brunswick.  It 
was  thought  a  fitting  time  to  advertise  the  fact  that  the 
Howes  were  commissioned  to  grant  the  King's  pardon 
to  such  as  would,  within  sixty  days,  declare  that  they 
would  remain  in  peaceful  obedience  to  him,  without 


Trenton  241 

taking  up  arms  or  encouraging  those  who  should  be  in 
arms  against  him.  So  favorable  an  offer  attracted  many 
who  saw  a  protection  to  themselves  and  property  in  the 
declaration,  as  well  as  many  who  were  at  heart  inclined 
to  the  King's  cause,  but  had  been  prevented  from  tak 
ing  their  stand  openly  through  fear  of  persecution. 
Wherever  the  King's  flag  went,  numbers  of  the  inhabi 
tants  flocked  to  it,  and  found  interest  in  declaring  their 
allegiance  and  selling  their  supplies  for  what  had  be 
come  a  rarity  —  gold  and  silver  coin. 

Congress  itself  did  not  escape  the  infection  of  fear 
that  prevailed  through  the  city.  Mifflin  had  been  for 
some  time  present  to  further  the  recruiting  service,  and 
when  Putnam  took  command  martial  law  was  established. 
As  the  reports  of  the  English  advance  grew  in  moment 
Congress  began  to  show  a  nervous  activity  that  was 
more  demonstrative  of  timidity  than  of  strength.  Mili 
tary  orders  were  passed  ;  a  day  of  fasting  and  humilia 
tion  was  appointed  ;  all  civil  and  military  officers  were 
recommended  to  exercise  repentance  and  reformation, 
and  to  observe  strictly  the  articles  of  war,  and  particu 
larly  those  forbidding  swearing  and  all  immorality. 
While  Putnam  was  directed  to  defend  the  city  to  the 
utmost  extremity,  the  army  stores  were  ordered  to  be 
removed.  Behind  the  bold  front  was  the  fearful  appre 
hension.  The  feeling  culminated  in  a  resolution  that 
was  as  puerile  as  it  was  dangerous,  a  resolution  that 
was  sent  at  once  to  Washington.  "  Whereas  a  false 
and  malicious  report  has  been  spread  by  the  enemies 
of  America  " — it  began  in  sounding  phrase,  and  contin 
ued — "that  the  Congress  was  about  to  disperse,"  it  de 
sired  Washington  to  contradict  this  scandalous  report, 


242  George  Washington 

and  asserted  an  intention  not  to  adjourn  from  Philadel 
phia,  unless  the  last  necessity  should  direct  such  a  step. 

The  General  must  have  read  the  resolve  with  a 
smile,  but  he  solemnly  argued  with  Congress  on  its 
inexpediency.  "  As  the  publication  of  their  resolve,  in 
my  opinion,  will  not  lead  to  any  good  end,  but,  on  the 
contrary,  may  be  attended  with  some  bad  consequences, 
I  shall  take  the  liberty  to  decline  inserting  it  in  this 
day's  orders.  I  am  persuaded,  if  the  subject  is  taken 
up  and  reconsidered,  that  Congress  will  concur  with  me 
in  sentiment.  I  doubt  not,  but  there  are  some,  who 
have  propagated  the  report ;  but  what  if  they  have  ? 
Their  remaining  in  or  leaving  Philadelphia  must  be 
governed  by  circumstances  and  events.  If  their  depart 
ure  should  become  necessary,  it  will  be  right ;  on  the 
other  hand,  if  there  should  be  a  necessity  for  it,  they 
will  remain,  and  their  continuance  will  show  the  report 
to  be  the  production  of  calumny  and  falsehood."  For 
tunate  it  was  that  Congress  had  so  wise  an  adviser,  as 
they  almost  immediately  adjourned  to  meet  at  Balti 
more.  Before  separating,  they  conferred  on  Washing 
ton  full  power  to  order  and  direct  all  things  relative  to 
the  operations  of  war. 

From  the  inhabitants  of  Jersey  little  could  be  ex 
pected,  as  they  were  terrorized  by  the  presence  of  the 
British.  In  the  retreat  of  the  American  force  it  had 
been  joined  by  hardly  one  hundred  men.  Pennsylva 
nia,  outside  of  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  felt  the  influ 
ence  of  the  English,  and  from  disaffection  would  render 
no  aid  to  the  Continental  army.  Whatever  reinforce 
ments  were  to  be  counted  upon,  must  come  from  else 
where.  Lee  was  still  hovering  on  the  rear  of  the 


Trenton  243 

British,  in  command  of  four  thousand  troops  so  ur 
gently  needed  by  Washington.  Some  militia  came  up 
from  Philadelphia,  and  with  the  force  at  hand  every 
ford  of  the  Delaware  that  could  be  used  by  the  Eng 
lish  was  guarded.  Gates  was  on  his  way  with  seven 
regiments,  and  even  Heath  was  bringing  his  division, 
until  countermanded.  While  thus  straining  every  effort 
to  concentrate  his  forces,  a  letter  was  received  from 
Lee  asking  what  route  he  should  take,  a  question 
that  savored  of  insolence,  for  it  had  already  been  an 
swered  in  full.  Again  did  Washington  mark  out  the 
course,  begging  and  entreating  Lee  to  come  without 
delay,  and  laying  stress  upon  the  service  he  might 
render  by  a  prompt  junction  with  the  main  army. 
At  this  very  time  Lee  was  writing  to  Gates  of  Wash 
ington  in  slighting  terms.  "  Entre  nous,  a  certain  great 
man  is  most  damnably  deficient.  He  has  thrown  me 
into  a  situation  where  I  have  my  choice  of  difficulties. 
If  I  stay  in  this  Province,  I  risk  myself  and  army ;  and 
if  I  do  not  stay,  the  Province  is  lost  forever.  Our 
counsels  have  been  weak  to  the  last  degree."  On  the 
same  day  Lee  was  captured  by  the  British. 

It  was  now  the  middle  of  November,  and  the  sever 
ity  of  the  weather  induced  the  English  to  go  into  winter 
quarters.  Their  movements  seemed  at  first  to  indi 
cate  a  feint  or  a  real  retreat,  and  led  Washington  to 
conceive  that  some  stroke  might  yet  be  given.  That 
Howe  would  remain  quietly  or  long  in  quarters,  and 
permit  a  new  army  to  be  formed  during  the  winter, 
was  beyond  his  calculations.  He  was  strenuous  in  his 
appeals  to  the  neighboring  States  for  immediate  aid,  and 
pleaded  with  Congress  for  a  larger  army  in  the  near 


244  George  Washington 

future, — one  that  could  cope  with  Howe  as  soon  as  he 
should  move  in  the  spring.  What  little  expectation 
could  be  entertained  of  a  present  opening  was  proved 
by  the  nearly  naked  condition  of  his  troops.  A  collec 
tion  of  old  clothes  was  a  welcome  accession  of  comfort, 
and  voluntary  gifts  of  blankets  staved  off  a  military 
requisition.  Had  Howe  been  able  to  cross  the  river, 
nothing  could  have  prevented  the  fall  of  Philadelphia. 
The  whole  country  was  making  its  peace  with  the 
British,  and  recruiting  officers  found  their  efforts  with 
out  avail.  Washington  denounced  the  conduct  of  New 
Jersey  as  most  infamous,  and  wrote  his  brother,  the 
"game  is  pretty  near  up,"  adding:  "You  can  form  no 
idea  of  the  perplexity  of  my  situation.  No  man,  I  be 
lieve,  ever  had  a  greater  choice  of  difficulties,  and  less 
means  to  extricate  himself  from  them.  However,  under 
a  full  persuasion  of  the  justice  of  our  cause,  I  cannot 
entertain  an  idea  that  it  will  finally  sink,  tho'  it  may 
remain  for  some  time  under  a  cloud." 

Two  circumstances  contributed  to  produce  this  situa 
tion  :  the  first  was  paper  money,  and  the  second,  parties 
in  Congress. 

Beginning  as  a  mere  advisory  body,  Congress  pos 
sessed  no  funds  of  its  own,  and  met  its  expenses  by 
grants  from  the  colonies  for  the  members  and  by  loans 
of  individuals,  advanced  for  small  amounts.  When  the 
army  was  assumed,  the  expense  became  a  Continental 
one,  and  Congress  created  a  Continental  credit,  after  the 
fashion  of  the  day,  by  issuing  bills  of  credit,  which  were 
to  be  paid  off  eventually  by  taxes  levied  by  each  colony, 
in  proportion  to  its  population.  These  notes  passed 
at  their  face  value  and  were  readily  accepted  for  provi- 


Trenton  245 

sions  and  army  needs  in  New  England  and  the  middle 
colonies.  Depending  for  their  value  upon  the  success 
of  the  American  cause,  they  would  reflect  any  threatened 
collapse  and  could  not  circulate  where  the  British  had 
secured  a  foothold.  As  the  larger  part  of  the  issues 
was  in  circulation  in  the  middle  colonies  or  States, 
Howe's  advance  into  New  Jersey  destroyed  its  value 
and  reduced  it  almost  to  waste  paper.  At  this  time 
it  was  not  so  much  the  amount  in  circulation  that  af 
fected  its  value,  as  the  political  feature  that  made  it  no 
money  in  competition  with  British  gold.  When  it  was 
seen  how  easily  its  value  was  destroyed  by  the  enemy's 
success,  the  whole  issue  fell  into  disfavor,  and  no  threats 
of  Congress  or  local  committees  could  force  its  accept 
ance  at  the  face  value.  Washington  was  shocked  to 
discover  that  John  Dickinson  had  written  his  brother 
to  accept  no  more  Continental  money  in  payment  of 
bonds  or  mortgages ;  yet  the  same  feeling  was  met 
throughout  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania.  Of  no 
avail  was  it  to  offer  this  discredited  paper  for  bounties, 
wages,  or  commodities,  and  this  fact  was  sufficient  to 
paralyze  the  activity  of  the  army  and  to  compel  a  resort 
to  force  and  military  requisition. 

Congress  was  dividing  into  parties,  and  the  special 
demands  of  each  State  were  slowly  taking  form  and 
leading  to  combinations  wherever  a  mutual  interest  was 
to  be  found.  The  earlier  antagonisms  had  rested  upon 
commercial  questions,  upon  points  raised  by  the  policy 
of  the  association,  involving  a  complete  or  partial  cessa 
tion  of  imports  or  exports.  The  English  edicts  and 
fleet  had  made  foreign  commerce  too  precarious  to  be 
of  great  moment,  and,  thrown  back  on  themselves,  the 


246  George  Washington 

States  found  an  outlet  for  their  restless  political  activity 
in  the  framing  of  constitutions  and  in  local  elections  of 
State  officers.  Only  the  beginnings  of  differences  were 
now  to  be  noticed,  yet  they  were  of  a  tendency  to  excite 
apprehensions.  The  democracy  of  New  England  was 
pitted  against  the  South  even  then,  and  the  commercial 
power  of  Pennsylvania  constituted  an  object  of  jealousy 
to  less  favored  States.  Congress  could  only  reflect  any 
compromise  arrived  at,  and  no  one  could  say  at  what 
cost  the  compromise  was  obtained.  When  so  necessary 
and  apparently  simple  a  measure  as  the  rules  of  war 
had  been  the  object  of  long  and  bitter  debate,  and  had 
been  carried  only  with  the  greatest  difficulty,  a  matter 
of  policy,  foreign  or  domestic,  touching  the  interests  of 
the  States  in  different  ways,  could  block  the  action  of 
Congress  for  weeks,  and  result  in  no  action  or  in  a 
measure  that  offered  no  good  solution  of  the  difficulties. 
The  disadvantages  of  this  situation  bore  heavily 
upon  Washington,  for  he  could  not  know  of  the  hidden 
streams  of  energy  that  were  daily  becoming  stronger 
in  Congress,  and  could  not  make  allowances.  Nor 
would  any  explanation  excuse  the  open  neglect  of  pro 
viding  liberally  for  the  new  army.  The  task  of  referring 
every  matter  to  Congress  embarrassed  the  Commander  ; 
he  was  more  embarrassed  by  the  inevitable  delay  in 
passing  upon  them ;  and  his  perplexities  were  insoluble 
when  a  decision  was  made  that  was  palpably  contrary 
to  the  public  interests.  A  dictatorship  was  the  sim 
plest  arrangement,  and  before  knowing  that  Congress 
had  given  him  very  much  wider  powers,  Washington 
suggested  that  he  be  allowed  greater  freedom  of  action. 
"  It  may  be  said,  that  this  is  an  application  for  powers 


Trenton  247 

that  are  too  dangerous  to  be  entrusted.  I  can  only  add, 
that  desperate  diseases  require  desperate  remedies  ;  and 
I  with  truth  declare,  that  I  have  no  lust  after  power, 
but  I  wish  with  as  much  fervency  as  any  man  upon  this 
wide-extended  continent  for  an  opportunity  of  turning 
the  sword  into  the  ploughshare.  But  my  feelings  as  an 
officer  and  a  man,  have  been  such  as  to  force  me  to  say 
that  no  person  ever  had  a  greater  choice  of  difficulties 
to  contend  with  than  I  have."  Recruiting  was  at  a 
standstill.  The  character  of  the  officers  did  not  inspire 
confidence.  "  That  fatal  vote  of  Congress  respecting 
the  appointment  of  new  officers  has  put  the  recruiting 
business  upon  such  a  footing,  and  introduced  so  much 
confusion  into  the  old  regiments,  that  I  see  no  chance 
of  raising  men  out  of  them."  When  the  militia  service 
of  six  weeks  gave  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars,  the  longer 
term  offered  by  the  recruiting  officer  contained  no 
temptation.  The  responsibility  for  this  situation  clearly 
lay  at  the  door  of  Congress,  for  the  General  had  many 
times  warned  it  of  the  necessity  for  action,  and  had 
pointed  out  the  proper  course  to  pursue.  A  change  had 
been  wrought  in  the  spirit  of  the  army.  "  I  have  la 
bored,  ever  since  I  have  been  in  the  service,  to  discour 
age  all  kinds  of  local  attachments  and  distinctions  of 
country,  denominating  the  whole  by  the  greater  name 
of  American,  but  I  have  found  it  impossible  to  over 
come  prejudices."  So  much  had  been  done  in  this  di 
rection  that  he  was  gratified  ;  but  in  Congress  this  evil 
of  local  interests  was  taking  head. 

On  December  2Oth  General  Gates,  with  four  eastern 
regiments,  and  General  Sullivan,  with  Lee's  command, 
came  into  camp.  In  ten  days  the  time  of  service  of 


248  George  Washington 

nearly  all  the  northern  regiments  would  expire,  and  the 
army  would  be  composed  of  a  few  southern  regiments 
almost  reduced  to  nothing  by  sickness  and  fatigue. 
Howe  was  waiting  for  this  dissolution  of  the  Conti 
nental  forces,  or  for  ice  to  make  the  river  passable. 
Washington's  pleading  for  men  became  painful  in  its 
intensity,  and  was  directed  to  local  committees  as  well 
as  State  executives.  "  I  entreat  you,  collect  every  man 
you  possibly  can."  From  entreaties  the  passage  was 
easy  to  threats.  "  Those  who  are  so  far  lost  to  a  love 
of  their  country  as  to  refuse  to  lend  a  hand  to  its  sup 
port  at  this  critical  time,  may  depend  upon  being 
treated  as  their  baseness  and  want  of  public  spirit  will 
most  justly  deserve." 

A  stroke  at  the  enemy  would  be  followed  by  many 
happy  consequences.  The  political  results  would  be 
even  more  important  than  the  military.  It  would  arouse 
the  States  from  their  lethargy  ;  it  would  give  a  value  to 
the  Continental  money ;  it  would  further  the  recruiting 
of  the  new  army ;  and  would  spread  a  confidence  in 
soldier  as  well  as  in  civilian.  To  attain  such  an  effect 
a  great  risk  might  well  be  taken,  and  Washington  saw 
his  opportunity.  The  long  line  of  the  British  invited 
attack,  and  Trenton  was  especially  exposed.  From  re 
ports  it  was  learned  that  the  Hessian  commander  of  the 
post,  Rail,  was  overconfident,  and  careless  in  his  guard  ; 
inclined  to  spend  his  evenings  in  carousing,  and  to  look 
upon  parade  as  an  equivalent  for  discipline.  In  marked 
contrast  was  the  care  with  which  Washington  made  the 
dispositions  of  his  force,  providing  for  every  contingency 
but  political  ambition  and  a  disinclination  to  face  the 
most  inclement  conditions.  Gates  rode  off  to  wait  upon 


Trenton  249 

Congress  at  Baltimore,  and  others  were  turned  back  at 
the  river's  bank  by  the  great  storm  that  raged.  Wash 
ington,  ably  seconded  by  Greene,  accomplished  the  pas 
sage  on  the  night  of  the  25th,  surprised  the  enemy  in 
the  early  morning,  and  after  a  short  struggle  captured 
more  than  nine  hundred,  with  arms,  standards,  and  ar 
tillery.  "  Necessity,  dire  necessity,"  he  had  written  to 
Reed,  "will,  nay  must,  justify  any  attempt."  Without 
the  loss  of  a  man  a  brilliant  victory  had  been  gained, 
and  one  that  must  go  far  towards  justifying  the  claims 
of  Washington  to  be  regarded  as  a  good  strategist.  It 
was  a  stroke  that  could  have  been  followed  up,  had  it 
not  been  for  the  distressed  condition  of  the  troops, 
but  it  was  thought  more  prudent  to  recross  the  river 
the  same  evening,  with  the  prisoners  and  artillery 
taken. 

In  this  test  the  men  had  proved  their  quality  and 
their  confidence  in  their  leaders.  Greene  was  eager  to 
push  on,  and  Knox  gave  reasons  for  so  doing.  Wash 
ington  summoned  a  council,  and  the  plan  was  set  aside, 
but  only  for  a  few  days.  General  Cadwalader  had 
crossed,  and  finding  the  road  open  had  marched  to  Bor- 
dentown,  suggesting  another  stroke.  On  the  2gih 
Washington  again  made  a  painful  passage  to  the  en 
emy's  country,  to  "try  to  beat  up  more  of  their  quar 
ters."  The  British  had  drawn  in  some  of  their  outposts, 
but  intelligence  was  not  freely  given,  and  Washington 
found  it  difficult  to  obtain  this  most  necessary  item  of  a 
campaign.  The  service  of  the  privates  about  to  expire 
must  be  purchased  at  any  cost,  and  for  a  continuance  of 
six  weeks  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars  for  every  man  engag 
ing  was  promised.  There  was  no  money  with  which  to 


250  George  Washington 

pay  the  bounty,  and  credit  had  already  been  so  strained 
as  not  to  have  an  effective  weight. 

The  British  had  gathered  their  forces  at  Princeton, 
hoping  to  cut  off  Washington,  then  at  Trenton.  A  di 
rect  opposition  could  not  be  made  by  the  Americans, 
yet  a  retreat  would  serve  to  undo  all  the  good  results 
of  the  dash  on  Trenton.  A  skirmish  occurred  on  the 
2d,  and  night  closed  in,  leaving  the  two  armies  on  oppo 
site  sides  of  the  Assanpink  Creek,  resting  on  their  arms. 
What  followed  is  best  told  in  Washington's  own  words  : 
"  Having  by  this  time  discovered,  that  the  enemy  were 
greatly  superior  in  number,  and  that  their  design  was  to 
surround  us,  I  ordered  all  our  baggage  to  be  removed 
silently  to  Burlington  soon  after  dark ;  and  at  twelve 
o'clock,  after  renewing  our  fires,  and  leaving  guards  at 
the  bridge  in  Trenton,  and  other  passes  on  the  same 
stream  above,  marched  by  a  roundabout  road  to 
Princeton,  where  I  knew  they  could  not  have  much  force 
left,  and  might  have  stores.  One  thing  I  was  certain  of, 
that  it  would  avoid  the  appearance  of  a  retreat  (which 
was  of  consequence,  or  to  run  the  hazard  of  the  whole 
army  being  cut  off),  whilst  we  might  by  a  fortunate 
stroke  withdraw  General  Howe  from  Trenton,  and  give 
some  reputation  to  our  arms.  Happily  we  succeeded." 
Nearly  three  hundred  prisoners  were  taken,  but  the  loss 
to  the  Americans  was  heavy.  Again  did  Washington 
wish  to  pursue,  and  at  least  go  as  far  as  Brunswick, 
where  stores  and  the  military  chest  promised  rich  booty  ; 
but  again  did  his  officers  oppose,  and  the  harassed  con 
dition  of  his  troops,  many  of  whom  had  been  without 
rest  for  two  days,  forbade  the  effort. 

The    English    went    back   to    Brunswick,    and   all 


Trenton  251 

immediate  danger  to  Philadelphia  was  averted.  So 
panic-stricken  did  they  appear  that  Washington  con 
ceived  it  possible  to  drive  them  out  of  the  Jerseys. 
Heath  was  ordered  to  make  a  diversion  against  New 
York,  to  further  this  object,  while  the  main  army  would 
rest  at  Morristown,  to  note  the  effect.  "  There  now 
is  the  fairest  opportunity  of  totally  destroying  the 
British  army,"  he  wrote  on  the  igth  of  January,  "or  at 
least  of  delaying  their  operations  in  the  spring,  till  we 
may  be  prepared  to  oppose  them  by  regular  forces." 
From  the  most  desired  of  visions  he  was  rudely  awak 
ened  by  a  combination  of  difficulties.  Heath  marched 
down  to  New  York,  made  a  pompous  parade  and  the 
atrical  demands,  but  accomplished  nothing,  retiring  un 
der  rather  ridiculous  conditions.  The  militia  under 
Washington  once  more  proved  his  predictions,  and 
threatened  to  leave  him  powerless  at  a  time  when  every 
man  would  count.  In  place  of  being  able  to  act  offen 
sively,  Washington  again  recognized  the  impossibility  of 
even  facing  the  enemy. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


IN    WINTER    QUARTERS 


HEN  at  Morristown,  a  point  that  was 
not  entirely  to  his  liking,  Washing 
ton  settled  his  army  for  the  winter. 
Very  little  of  the  force  that  had 
served  during  the  year  1776  re 
mained,  and  he  was  obliged  to  call 
in  militia  in  sufficient  numbers  to 
maintain  the  appearance  of  an  army  and  to  gain  the 
time  needed  to  give  the  semblance  of  a  disciplined  array. 
He  had  given  Howe  such  a  rebuff  that  the  liability  to 
attack  from  that  quarter  was  small,  yet  the  mere  possi 
bility  made  it  expedient  to  be  watchful,  and  the  cer 
tainty  of  an  early  and  vigorous  campaign  in  the  spring 
made  the  task  of  preparing  to  meet  it  short  and  severe. 
The  activity  and  excitement  of  movement  concealed 
many  of  the  great  wants  of  the  men,  and  now  that  they 
were  again  resting  in  camp,  the  old  perplexities  returned 
with  fresh  force  and  added  complications. 

The  new  army,  as  finally  provided  for  by  Congress, 
called  for  more  than  one  hundred  battalions,  and  a  cor 
responding  appointment  of  officers.  For  the  eighty- 
eight  battalions  apportioned  among  the  States,  the 

252 


In  Winter  Quarters  253 

naming  of  the  officers  rested  with  the  State  raising  the 
regiments.  For  the  sixteen  additional  battalions,  the 
officers  were  to  be  named  by  the  Commander-in-chief, 
and  the  regiments  were  to  be  composed  of  men  enlisted 
wherever  they  could  be  obtained.  The  theory  of  giv 
ing  the  nomination  of  officers  to  the  States  proved  diffi 
cult  in  practice,  resulting  in  jealousies,  favoritism,  and  a 
frequent  resort  to  dishonest  electioneering  methods. 
In  place  of  obtaining  the  best  talent,  it  often  resulted  in 
giving  the  positions  to  men  unfitted  for  the  duties, 
and  whose  popularity  alone  commended  them,  against 
an  actual  test  in  service.  Washington  saw  with  dismay 
the  confusion  this  system  introduced  into  the  existing 
army,  from  the  desire  to  obtain  appointments  in  the 
new,  and  the  really  low  grade  of  officers  coming  for 
ward  for  the  first  time.  He  had  seen  what  the  men 
could  do,  and  what  the  officers  had  not  done,  and  he 
did  tardy  justice  to  the  New  England  part  of  the  army. 
It  was  as  a  whole  "  wretchedly  officered  "  ;  but  wherever 
it  was  under  good  leaders,  it  had  behaved  well.  "  No 
people  fly  to  arms  readier  than  they  do,  or  come  better 
equipped,  or  with  more  regularity  into  the  field  than 
they."  When  the  question  of  officers  first  came  up,  the 
General  was  indignant  at  the  conduct  of  the  States  — 
"  the  different  States,  without  regard  to  the  qualifica 
tions  of  an  officer,  quarrelling  about  the  appointments^ 
and  nominating  such  as  are  not  fit  to  be  shoeblacks, 
from  the  local  attachments  of  this  or  that  member  of 
Assembly." 

The  characters  of  those  who  came  forward  in  com 
mand  of  the  regiments  of  militia  were  really  worse,  and 
called  for  some  reform.  These  militia  officers  were 


254  George  Washington 

"  generally  of  the  lowest  class  of  the  people ;  and,  in 
stead  of  setting  a  good  example  to  their  men,  are 
leading  them  into  every  kind  of  mischief,  one  species  of 
which  is  plundering  the  inhabitants,  under  the  pretence 
of  their  being  Tories."  Instead  of  protecting,  they 
were  distressing  the  people.  Experience  had  brought 
home  to  the  General  the  absolute  necessity  for  insisting 
on  good  men,  and  he  laid  stress  upon  this  point  in  issu 
ing  instructions  for  recruiting  the  additional  battalions. 
"  I  earnestly  recommend  to  you  to  be  circumspect  in 
your  choice  of  officers.  Take  none  but  gentlemen ; 
let  no  local  attachments  influence  you  ;  do  not  suffer 
your  good  nature,  when  an  application  is  made,  to  say 
yes,  when  you  ought  to  say  no  ;  remember,  that  it  is  a 
public,  not  a  private  cause,  that  is  to  be  injured  or 
benefited  by  your  choice  ;  recollect,  also,  that  no  in 
stance  has  yet  happened  of  good  or  bad  behavior  in  a 
corps  in  our  service,  that  has  not  originated  with  the 
officers.  Do  not  take  old  men,  nor  yet  fill  your  corps 
with  boys,  especially  for  captains." 

During  January  the  recruits  came  in  very  slowly, 
and  officers  engaged  in  obtaining  them  were  backward 
in  sending  them  to  the  army  as  rapidly  as  they  were 
armed  and  clothed.  "  They  are  so  extremely  averse  to 
turning  out  of  comfortable  quarters,  that  I  cannot  get  a 
man  to  come  near  me,  though  I  hear  from  all  parts  that 
the  recruiting  service  goes  on  with  great  success." 
Money  was  needed  in  large  sums,  and,  not  being  forth 
coming,  the  energy  of  the  officers  was  checked,  and  re 
cruiting  was  almost  at  a  stand.  Some  States  undertook 
to  raise  regiments  for  their  own  defense,  a  service  more 
tempting,  at  the  same  pay  and  bounty,  than  one  at  a 


In  Winter  Quarters  255 

distance.  This  interfered  with  the  obtaining  of  men  for 
the  Continental  battalions,  and  called  out  a  severe  re 
buke  from  Washington. 

The  condition  of  the  hospital  service  had  been  little 
short  of  scandalous.  The  surgeons,  both  hospital  and 
regimental,  had  done  what  was  possible,  but  the  quality 
of  some  of  these  officers  made  them  a  positive  danger 
rather  than  an  aid.  The  errors  that  were  made,  the 
inefficient  distribution  of  medicines  and  hospital  sup 
plies,  and  the  ignorance  on  the  more  subtle  forms  of 
camp  diseases  had  played  havoc  among  those  who  had 
the  misfortune  to  go  into  the  surgeons'  care.  Wash 
ington  complained  that  his  eyes  and  ears  had  been 
shocked  by  the  sight  and  complaints  of  poor  creatures 
perishing  for  want  of  proper  or  reasonable  care.  The 
sick,  in  leaving  the  army,  carried  into  the  country  tales 
of  their  misery  and  long-suffering,  and  the  proof  of 
ruined  health  and  undermined  constitutions  was  too 
vividly  presented  to  be  gainsaid.  It  awakened  a  dread 
against  running  the  risk  of  a  repetition,  and  this  inter 
fered  with  the  recruiting  service,  particularly  to  the 
southward.  To  have  the  poor  wretches  scattered  along 
the  road,  and  totally  unfit  for  duty,  was  a  sight  that  con 
demned  the  want  of  system  that  permitted  it.  Regi 
ments  had  literally  mouldered  away,  and  to  have  this 
recur  would  close  every  possibility  of  again  making 
enlistments  in  the  States.  No  bounties,  however  large, 
could  overcome  this  fatal  objection  to  service ;  and 
even  when  men  were  obtained,  to  lose  them  by  sick 
ness  was  a  waste  of  man  as  well  as  of  bounty. 

While  attending  to  the  military  preparation  he  was 
not  neglectful  of  the  political  features.  The  inducements 


256  George  Washington 

offered  by  the  Howes  had  caused  many  to  repair  to 
the  British,  to  make  their  peace  and  obtain  a  pro 
tection  which  did  not  in  the  end  serve  its  purpose. 
They  gave  their  allegiance,  and,  more  often  than  not, 
a  good  share  of  their  properties,  as  the  English  were 
not  very  scrupulous  as  to  the  source  of  their  supplies. 
Now  that  the  British  army  had  drawn  back,  these 
inhabitants  were  in  a  questionable  position.  They 
could  follow  Howe  to  New  York,  but  that  involved 
very  heavy  sacrifices  ;  they  could  seek  to  gain  the  con 
fidence  of  the  Continentals  by  pleading  that  they  acted 
under  threats,  and  were  deluded  by  false  promises  into 
an  engagement  not  to  take  up  arms,  or  encourage 
others  so  to  do,  against  the  King  of  Great  Britain.  To 
relieve  them  from  their  danger,  Washington  issued  a 
proclamation  calling  upon  all  those  who  had  received 
letters  of  protection  from  the  English  to  deliver  them 
to  him,  and  take  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United 
States  of  America,  on  pain  of  being  considered  enemies 
to  these  American  States. 

If  Howe  had  exerted  an  undue  influence  on  the 
people  of  New  Jersey, — and  it  was  admitted  he  had  to 
such  an  extent  as  to  prevent  Washington  from  obtain 
ing  more  than  a  regiment  during  his  retreat, — it  was 
entirely  proper  that  Washington  should  counteract  this 
influence  by  resorting  to  the  same  means.  Yet  the 
proclamation  was  severely  criticised  in  and  out  of  Con 
gress,  as  involving  a  transgression  of  his  power  and  a 
violation  of  civil  rights.  One  member  of  Congress, 
Abraham  Clark,  a  delegate  from  New  Jersey,  thought 
the  paper  was  in  many  respects  exceptionable  and  very 
improper ;  and  he  asked  whether  the  oath  was  not  an 


In  Winter  Quarters  257 

absurd  condition  before  any  confederation  had  taken 
place.  To  Washington  all  circumstances  pointed  to 
the  expediency  of  the  oath,  if  only  to  cement  the  union 
of  the  States,  and  he  wished  one  to  become  general. 
"  From  the  first  institution  of  civil  government,  it  has 
been  the  national  policy  of  every  precedent  State  to 
endeavor  to  engage  its  members  to  the  discharge  of 
their  duty  by  the  obligation  of  some  oath.  Its  force 
and  happy  influence  have  been  felt  in  too  many  in 
stances  to  need  any  arguments  to  support  the  policy 
or  prove  its  utility.  I  have  often  thought  the  States 
have  been  too  negligent  in  this  particular,  and  am  more 
fully  convinced  of  it  from  the  effect  General  Howe's 
excursion  has  produced  in  New  Jersey.  An  oath  is  the 
only  substitute  that  can  be  adopted  to  supply  the  defect 
of  principle.  By  our  inattention  in  this  article,  we  lose 
a  considerable  cement  to  our  own  force,  and  give  the 
enemy  an  opportunity  to  make  the  first  tender  of  the  oath 
of  allegiance  to  the  King.  Its  baneful  influence  is  but 
too  severely  felt  at  this  time.  The  people  generally 
confess  they  were  compelled  to  take  protection,  and 
subscribe  the  Declaration,  yet  it  furnishes  many  with 
arguments  to  refuse  taking  any  active  part ;  and  further 
they  allege  themselves  bound  to  a  neutrality  at  least. 
Many  conscientious  people,  who  were  well-wishers  to 
the  cause,  had  they  been  bound  to  the  States  by  an 
oath,  would  have  suffered  any  punishment  rather  than 
have  taken  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  King ;  and  are 
now  lost  to  our  interest  for  want  of  this  necessary  tie. 
Notwithstanding  the  obligations  of  the  Association, 
they  do  not  conceive  it  to  have  the  same  effect  as  an 
oath.  The  more  united  the  inhabitants  appear,  the 


258  George  Washington 

greater  difficulty  General  Howe  will  have  in  reconciling 
them  to  regal  government,  and  consequently  the  less 
hope  of  conquering  them.  For  these  reasons,  and  many 
more  that  might  be  urged,  I  should  strongly  recommend 
to  every  State  to  fix  upon  some  oath  or  affirmation  of 
allegiance,  to  be  tendered  to  all  the  inhabitants  without 
exception,  and  to  outlaw  those  that  refuse  it." 

Even  Washington  recognized  that  this  proceeding 
might  be  carried  too  far,  and  alienate  in  place  of  secur 
ing  support.  Many  known  enemies  to  the  cause  sought 
to  delay  their  departure  for  thirty  days,  claiming  that 
length  of  time  to  be  granted  by  the  proclamation. 
Washington  ordered  the  immediate  removal  of  such. 
Others  were  in  doubt  what  course  to  take,  and  a  rea 
sonable  time  was  allowed  them  to  make  a  certainty  of 
their  doubt.  Another  class,  who  asserted  that  they 
could  not  consistently  with  their  own  principles  take 
part  against  the  Americans,  yet  were  unwilling  to  come 
over  to  the  cause,  assumed  the  part  of  martyrs,  and 
made  it  difficult  to  decide  what  treatment  should  be  ac 
corded  to  them.  The  General  laid  down  the  rule  that 
lenity  would  operate  with  greater  force  in  such  instances 
than  rigor.  Those  about  him  imbibed  the  same  views. 
41  He  is  blessed  wherever  he  goes,"  wrote  Tench  Tilgh- 
man,  a  member  of  Washington's  military  family ;  "  for 
the  tory  is  protected  in  person  and  property  equally 
with  the  whig  ;  and  indeed  I  often  think  more,  for  it 
is  his  maxim  to  convert  by  good  usage,  and  not  by 
severity." 

A  policy  of  mercy  required  singleness  of  purpose 
and  a  perfect  understanding  among  the  agents  exercis 
ing  it.  In  private  letters  Washington  could  speak  of 


In  Winter  Quarters  259 

"  the  set  of  parricides  "  who  were  seducing  their  coun 
trymen  to  join  the  British  general.  He  could  give  di 
rections  for  removing  them,  driving  them  within  the 
English  lines  with  nothing  but  the  absolute  necessaries 
of  life,  and  permitting  nothing  to  be  carried  in  that  could 
be  of  service  to  the  enemy.  He  did  all  this  as  a  measure 
of  defense,  to  prevent  his  camp  being  infested  by  spies, 
his  plans  betrayed,  and  his  little  force  weakened  by  de 
sertion.  To  those  whom  the  fortune  of  war  had  thrown 
into  his  hands,  prisoners  of  war,  he  was  ever  kind,  and 
sought  in  every  way  to  mitigate  the  cruel  hardness  of 
their  position.  The  English,  looking  upon  the  Ameri 
cans  as  rebels,  and  as  worthy  only  of  the  punishment 
due  to  rebels,  were  not  so  considerate,  and  inflicted  hor 
rors  upon  the  helpless  that  are  remembered  to  this  day. 
Protests  from  Washington  accomplished  something,  a 
crude  system  of  exchanges  (as  the  King's  officers  could 
not  recognize  rebels  so  far  as  to  enter  into  a  formal  car 
tel  for  exchanges)  also  accomplished  something,  but 
even  with  these  mitigations  the  suffering  of  prisoners 
was  unnecessarily  great. 

Towards  the  end  of  February  the  British  gave  some 
indications  of  moving,  though  it  was  doubtful  whether 
they  intended  merely  to  beat  up  the  American  quarters 
or  to  undertake  a  serious  campaign  with  Philadelphia 
for  its  object.  The  detachment  coming  from  Rhode 
Island  had  arrived,  and  had  been  landed,  with  its  ar 
tillery,  in  New  Jersey,  within  easy  reach  of  the  divisions 
at  Brunswick.  Even  before  this  reinforcement  came, 
the  English  army  in  that  State  was  estimated  to  num 
ber  more  than  seven  thousand,  and  all  picked  men. 
Against  that  number  Washington  had  barely  four 


260  George  Washington 

thousand,  nearly  all  militia,  as  the  regular  force  was  pass 
ing  through  the  smallpox,  either  by  inoculation  or  by 
the  natural  way.  A  vague  certainty  of  some  attack  pre 
vailed  at  headquarters  but  not  elsewhere.  "  I  think 
we  are  now  in  one  of  the  most  critical  periods  which 
America  ever  saw,  and  because  the  enemy  are  not  in 
actual  motion  (by  the  by  I  believe  they  are  not  far 
from  it)  every  body  seems  to  be  lulled  into  ease  and 
security."  This  was  Washington's  view,  and  he  sought 
to  inspire  some  life  into  the  recruiting  service  by  bring 
ing  on  such  men  as  had  engaged,  without  waiting  for 
the  regiments  to  be  complete.  The  problem  of  arming 
promised  at  one  time  to  be  insuperable,  but  the  fortunate 
arrival  of  some  supplies  from  France  enabled  this  to  be 
solved. 

Under  the  weight  of  his  difficulties  the  letters  of 
Washington  were  full  of  forebodings  and  complaints  of 
mismanagement.  Congress,  the  representative  body  if 
any  existed,  and  supposed  to  embody  the  wisdom  of  all 
the  States,  was  restive  under  criticism.  It  had  formed 
a  foreign  connection  with  France,  although  no  one,  not 
even  Silas  Deane  himself,  could  have  defined  or  ex 
plained  the  connection.  Officers,  many  of  them  adven 
turers,  were  coming  from  France  and  the  French  islands  ; 
military  supplies,  direct  from  the  King's  armories,  were 
reaching  America ;  and  the  letters  of  the  American 
commissioners  were  holding  out  hopes  of  greater  things. 
At  home,  a  new  army  had  been  provided  for  on  paper, 
and  the  recruiting  service  was  then  in  action,  with  some 
present  results,  and  with  better  prospects  for  the  future. 
While  affairs  were  in  so  fair  a  train,  and  the  enemy  re 
mained  inactive,  why  should  the  General  seek  to  prove 


In  Winter  Quarters  261 

that  everything  was  wrong?  A  change  in  the  repre 
sentation  of  many  of  the  States  had  brought  in  a  new 
set  of  men,  who  were  not  familiar  with  the  experience  of 
two  years,  and  who  had  supplanted  some  of  the  wisest  and 
coolest  heads  of  the  Continental  Congress.  The  mere 
list  showed  what  had  been  the  loss,  and  the  transfer  of 
activity  from  that  assembly  to  the  legislatures  or  execu 
tives  of  the  States  could  only  be  a  partial  compensation. 
Franklin,  Duane,  Deane,  Harrison,  Dickinson,  William 
Livingston,  Nelson,  and  Rutledge  had  no  successors. 

From  Robert  Morris  came  a  note  of  warning.  All 
leaders,  he  held,  should  feel  and  think  boldly  in  order 
to  inspirit  others.  "  Heaven,  no  doubt  for  the  noblest 
purposes,  has  blessed  you  with  a  firmness  of  mind, 
steadiness  of  countenance,  and  patience  in  sufferings, 
that  give  you  infinite  advantages  over  other  men.  This 
being  the  case,  you  are  not  to  depend  on  other  peo 
ple's  exertions  being  equal  to  your  own.  One  mind 
feeds  and  thrives  on  misfortunes  by  finding  resources 
to  get  the  better  of  them  ;  another  sinks  under  their 
weight,  thinking  it  impossible  to  resist ;  and,  as  the 
latter  description  probably  includes  the  majority  of 
mankind,  we  must  be  cautious  of  alarming  them."  The 
conclusion  was  that  Washington,  without  stooping  to 
deception,  should  draw  brighter  pictures,  and  lend  the 
weight  of  his  name  to  favorable  accounts  that  might 
"  draw  forth  the  exertions  of  some  good  men  sooner  than 
distress  does  from  others."  To  preach  optimism,  when 
there  was  no  good  ground  for  so  doing,  did  not  accord 
with  Washington's  ideas  of  his  duties.  "  Common  pru 
dence  dictates  the  necessity  of  duly  attending  to  the  cir 
cumstances  of  both  armies,  before  the  style  of  conquerors 


262  George  Washington 

is  assumed  by  either;  and  sorry  I  am  to  add,  that 
this  does  not  appear  to  be  the  case  with  us ;  nor  is 
it  in  my  power  to  make  Congress  fully  sensible  of  the 
real  situation  of  our  affairs,  and  that  it  is  with  difficulty, 
(if  I  may  use  the  expression,)  that  I  can,  by  every 
means  in  my  power,  keep  the  life  and  soul  of  this  army 
together.  In  a  word,  when  they  are  at  a  distance,  they 
think  it  is  but  to  say,  Presto  begone,  and  everything  is 
done.  They  seem  not  to  have  any  conception  of  the 
difficulty  and  perplexity  attending  those  who  are  to 
execute." 

In  taking  this  stand  Washington  proved  his  wisdom 
as  well  as  his  strength,  and  had  indicated  the  weak  point 
of  congressional  action.  By  constantly  and  not  very 
intelligently  interfering  with  matters  properly  belonging 
to  the  General  to  decide,  it  had  produced  confusion  as 
unnecessary  as  it  was  difficult  to  allay.  The  sending  of 
French  officers,  who  could  not  be  of  service,  was  in  it 
self  a  threat  against  the  whole  constitution  of  the  army. 
Places  could  not  be  found  for  them  without  displacing 
American  officers  of  far  higher  utility.  After  many  and 
increasingly  urgent  requests  from  Washington  for  gen 
eral  officers,  Congress  elected  five  major-generals  — 
Stirling,  Mifflin,  St.  Clair,  Stephen,  and  Lincoln  ;  and 
ten  brigadier-generals — Poor,  Glover,  Paterson,  Wayne, 
Varnum,  De  Haas,  Weedon,  Muhlenberg,  John  Cadwal- 
ader,  and  Woodford.  The  lists  were  unexceptionable 
so  far  as  each  name  was  concerned,  but  why  had  Bene 
dict  Arnold  been  passed  over  among  the  major-generals  ? 
Five  of  his  junior  officers  were  placed  over  him,  and  his 
known  sensitiveness  to  slight,  real  or  fancied,  made  it 
certain  that  he  would  at  once  hand  in  his  resignation. 


In  Winter  Quarters  263 

Washington  believed  some  error  had  been  made  by 
Congress,  and  begged  him  not  to  take  any  hasty  step. 
Such  incidents  made  Washington's  task  of  forming  a 
good  body  of  officers  one  of  great  complication.  "  Tri 
fling  punctilios  should  have  no  influence  upon  a  man's 
conduct  in  such  a  cause,  and  at  such  a  time  as  this.  If 
smaller  matters  do  not  yield  to  greater,  if  trifles,  light 
as  air  in  comparison  with  what  we  are  contending  for, 
can  withdraw  or  withhold  gentlemen  from  service,  when 
our  all  is  at  stake  and  a  single  cast  of  the  die  may  turn 
the  tables,  what  are  we  to  expect  ?  " 

A  plan  of  campaign  must  be  prepared,  one  that 
would  be  feasible  under  the  circumstances  of  the  Con 
tinental  army  and  the  uncertainties  of  the  English 
movements.  Not  only  was  Howe's  army  to  be  ac 
counted  for,  but  the  probable  incursion  from  Canada 
must  be  met  and,  if  possible,  checked.  Philadelphia 
was  still  believed  to  be  the  principal  object  of  Howe, 
but  his  vessels  could  render  a  stroke  in  the  eastern 
States,  or  even  in  those  of  the  south,  certain  and  so  swift 
as  to  make  it  improbable  that  any  assistance  to  the 
country  could  be  given  by  Washington.  With  more 
than  one  exposed  region  to  defend,  the  problem  was 
reduced  to  a  proper  distribution  of  the  available  force 
so  as  to  be  readily  concentrated  where  the  need  was 
greatest.  To  Schuyler,  whose  position  in  the  northern 
army  made  his  aid  of  the  highest  service,  he  explained 
his  views. 

"  It  is  of  the  greatest  importance  to  the  safety  of  a 
country  involved  in  a  defensive  war,  to  endeavor  to  draw 
their  troops  together  at  some  post  at  the  opening  of  a 
campaign,  so  central  to  the  theatre  of  war,  that  they  may 


264  George  Washington 

be  sent  to  the  support  of  any  part  of  the  country,  which 
the  enemy  may  direct  their  motions  against.  It  is  a 
military  observation,  strongly  supported  by  experience, 
4  that  a  superior  army  may  fall  a  sacrifice  to  an  inferior, 
by  an  injudicious  division.'  It  is  impossible  without 
knowing  the  enemy's  intentions,  to  guard  against  every 
sudden  incursion,  or  give  protection  to  all  the  inhabi 
tants.  Some  principal  object  should  be  had  in  view,  in 
taking  post,  to  cover  the  most  important  part  of  the 
country,  instead  of  dividing  our  force  to  give  shelter  to 
the  whole,  to  attempt  which  cannot  fail  to  give  the  en 
emy  an  opportunity  of  beating  us  in  detachments.  As 
we  are  under  the  necessity  of  guessing  at  the  enemy's 
intentions  and  further  operations,  the  great  object  of 
attention  ought  to  be,  where  the  most  proper  place  is, 
to  draw  our  force  together  from  the  eastward  and  west 
ward,  to  cover  the  country,  prevent  the  enemy's  pene 
tration,  and  annoy  them  in  turn,  should  our  strength  be 
equal  to  the  attempt.  There  is  not  a  State  upon  the 
continent,  but  thinks  itself  in  danger,  and  scarcely  an 
officer  at  any  one  post,  but  conceives  a  reinforcement 
necessary.  To  comply  with  the  demands  of  the  whole 
is  utterly  impossible,  and,  if  attempted  would  prove 
our  inevitable  ruin." 

The  early  plan  provided  for  collecting  a  large  force 
at  Ticonderoga ;  but  Washington  believed  Peekskill  to 
possess  greater  advantages.  It  was  more  central,  and 
whether  the  attack  came  from  Canada  or  New  York 
the  men  would  be  more  available,  and  would  serve  to 
hold  in  check  a  large  army  of  the  enemy  at  New  York. 
With  this  end  attained,  a  capital  stroke  at  the  British  in 
New  Jersey  would  have  immense  advantages.  It  would 


In  Winter  Quarters  265 

free  the  country  from  the  ravages  of  the  enemy ;  it 
would  make  less  probable,  if  not  impossible,  a  descent 
from  Canada,  and  would  prevent  any  gain  from  rein 
forcements  coming  from  England.  A  defeat  would 
totally  ruin  their  plan  of  operations  for  the  next  cam 
paign,  and  perhaps  discourage  them  from  making  any 
attempts.  Congress  had  given  its  own  views  of  what 
should  be  done,  "confining the  enemy  within  their  pres 
ent  quarters,  preventing  their  getting  supplies  from  the 
country,  and  totally  subduing  them  before  they  are  rein 
forced,"  but  these  instructions  were  based  on  a  splendid 
disregard  of  the  instruments  available.  It  was  thought 
Washington  had  a  large  army  behind  him,  for  he  pur 
posely  exaggerated  its  numbers  to  produce  a  proper 
respect  in  the  enemy.  Reinforcements  were  believed 
to  be  on  their  way  to  join  him ;  but  these  reinforce 
ments  were  "  ideal,"  existing  only  on  paper.  On  March 
1 5th  his  whole  force,  fit  for  duty,  was  under  three  thou 
sand,  and  there  was  no  prospect  of  an  increase. 

By  the  middle  of  April  the  hope  of  an  adequate 
force  was  still  dim.  "  There  is  such  a  total  depression 
of  that  military  ardor,  which  I  hoped  would  have  in 
spired  every  officer  when  he  found  his  pay  genteelly 
augmented,  and  the  army  put  upon  a  respectable  foot 
ing,  that  it  seems  to  me  as  if  all  public  spirit  was  sunk 
into  the  means  of  making  money  by  the  service  or  quar 
relling  upon  the  most  trivial  points  of  rank."  Had  the 
last  army  been  enlisted  for  three  years  he  felt  he  could 
drive  the  British  from  New  Jersey  ;  in  place  of  which  he 
was  seeking  to  obtain  enough  men  to  act  on  the  defen 
sive.  The  contradictory  orders  of  the  executives  of  some 
States,  and  even  of  some  officers,  as  to  the  rendezvous 


266  George  Washington 

for  recruits,  seemed  to  have  a  design  to  harass  the 
troops  and  delay  a  junction.  A  strange,  unaccount 
able  languor  appeared  to  prevail  at  a  time  when  the 
cause  called  loudly  for  the  most  vigorous  and  active 
exertions.  Virginia,  his  own  State,  offered  volunteer 
corps,  which  were  even  more  destructive  of  an  army 
than  militia  on  short  enlistments,  claiming  to  them 
selves  a  sort  of  superior  merit,  and  proving  uneasy  and 
impatient  of  command.  Such  a  proposition  was  strongly 
condemned  by  Washington,  who  took  the  opportunity 
to  call  attention  to  the  regulation  preventing  inocula 
tion  for  the  smallpox.  He  knew  that  the  disease  in 
the  natural  way  was  more  deadly  to  the  army  than  the 
enemy's  sword,  and  had  come  to  appreciate  the  utility 
of  making  provision  against  the  scourge. 

Early  in  April  Howe  knew  that  he  could  look  for 
little  reinforcements  from  England,  and  prepared  his 
plan  of  operations  accordingly.  He  abandoned  the  ex 
pedition  against  New  England,  for  which  he  had  made 
some  preparations,  and  did  not  intend  to  make  any  im 
portant  movement  up  the  North  River  —  a  fatal  error, 
considering  that  Burgoyne  was  to  march  down  from 
Canada  to  that  river  to  make  a  junction  with  Howe's 
force  that  would  prove  irresistible.  To  make  the  union 
possible,  it  was  essential  that  Howe  should  come  part 
of  the  way  to  remove  certain  troublesome  obstructions 
and  overawe  the  State  of  New  York.  The  capture  of 
Philadelphia  was  the  keystone  of  his  plan,  and  he  thus 
hoped  to  amuse  Washington,  and  so  keep  him  from 
moving  against  Burgoyne.  Intent  upon  obtaining  all 
the  assistance  that  could  be  purchased,  he  issued  a  proc 
lamation  offering  a  bounty  to  those  who  should  bring  in 


In  Winter  Quarters  267 

arms,  and  to  such  as  should  take  up  arms  and  join  him 
he  promised  land.  With  dismay  Washington  saw  the 
desertions  from  his  force  increase  considerably,  and  felt 
powerless  to  counteract  the  means  used  by  Howe,  for 
he  knew  the  bounties  to  recruits  had  not  been  regularly 
paid,  and  the  complaints  were  general  that  even  pay  had 
not  been  received.  Some  officers  set  a  bad  example, 
and  not  a  few  of  the  foreigners  who  had  enlisted  de 
serted  to  the  enemy  with  their  arms. 

In  one  particular  Congress  was  all  too  active  —  in 
conferring  appointments  on  foreigners  for  political  and 
honorary  motives.  Deane  did  not  hesitate  to  promise 
rank  to  those  who  flocked  to  him,  even  as  high  as  that 
of  adjutant-general  or  brigadier-general.  Congress,  hav 
ing  only  the  letter  of  recommendation  before  it,  would 
grant  commissions  and  send  the  newly  created  officers  to 
Washington  to  be  provided  with  commands  or  duties. 
There  were  no  vacancies,  and  there  was  a  certainty  of 
discontent  among  the  Americans,  who  had  served  from 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  but  had  received  no  such  hon 
orable  marks  of  favor  or  distinction.  "  Good  policy, 
in  my  opinion,  forbids  the  disgusting  of  a  whole  corps 
to  gratify  the  pride  of  an  individual  ;  for  it  is  by  the 
zeal  and  activity  of  our  own  people,  that  the  cause  must 
be  supported,  and  not  by  a  few  hungry  adventurers. 
Besides,  the  error  of  these  appointments  is  now  clear 
and  manifest,  and  the  views  of  Congress  evidently 
defeated  ;  for  by  giving  high  rank  to  people  of  no  repu 
tation  or  service,  you  have  disgusted  their  own  coun 
trymen  ;  or,  in  other  words,  raised  their  expectations  to 
an  insatiable  pitch.  For  the  man,  who  was  a  captain  in 
France,  finding  another  who  was  only  a  subaltern  there, 


268  George  Washington 

or  perhaps  nothing,  appointed  to  a  majority  with  usf 
extends  his  views  instantly  to  a  regiment ;  in  like  man 
ner  the  field  officer  can  accept  of  nothing  less  than  a 
brigade,  and  so  on,  by  which  means  the  man  of  real 
rank  and  merit  must  be  excluded,  or  perhaps  your  whole 
military  system  disordered.  In  the  meanwhile  I  am 
haunted  and  teased  to  death  by  the  importunity  of 
some,  and  dissatisfaction  of  others." 

The  climax  was  reached  when  a  French  officer  pre 
sented  himself  to  Washington,  bringing  an  agreement 
with  Deane  that  he  should  command  the  artillery  of  the 
Continental  army,  with  the  rank  and  pay  of  a  major- 
general.  He  had,  to  be  sure,  the  endorsement  of  the 
French  military  authorities,  and  had  come  on  the  same 
vessel  with  some  much-needed  supplies ;  but  neither  he 
nor  his  rank  could  justify  the  pretensions  he  set  forth, 
and  Washington  recognized  at  once  how  impossible  it 
would  be  to  keep  Knox  in  the  service  should  Ducoudray 
be  accepted  at  his  own  estimation.  The  merits  of  the 
latter  might  be  great,  but  was  it  expedient  to  place  the 
command  of  so  important  an  arm  of  the  service  in  a 
foreigner,  who  had  no  ties  of  interest  in  the  States,  and 
whose  abilities  had  not  been  tested  ?  The  only  thing 
to  be  done  was  to  send  Ducoudray  on  to  Congress,  but 
with  a  note  of  warning  as  to  the  effects  of  admitting  his 
claims. 

The  error  was  committed  in  the  beginning,  when 
the  rank  of  field  officer  was  given  to  any  Frenchman 
who  came  with  a  recommendation.  The  expectations 
of  the  late  comers,  some  of  them  without  credentials, 
were  as  a  consequence  pitched  too  high,  and  yet  even 
an  inclination  to  disregard  their  claims  produced  disgust 


In  Winter  Quarters  269 

and  discontent.  To  discriminate  among  the  applicants 
was  a  delicate  matter,  and  one  for  which  Congress  was 
not  well  adapted.  Experience  in  camp  and  field  could 
develop  the  genius,  or  want  of  it,  in  these  foreigners, 
but  that  could  not  be  had  without  giving  them  com 
mands,  at  this  time,  out  of  the  range  of  possibility. 
Hamilton,  wise  beyond  his  years,  wished  to  discrimi 
nate  for  public  reasons.  "  This  will  enable  us  to  shake 
off  the  despicable  part  with  safety,  and  to  turn  a  deaf 
ear  to  the  exorbitant  demands  of  the  many.  It  will 
easily  be  believed  in  France  that  their  want  of  merit 
occasioned  their  want  of  success,  from  the  extraordinary 
marks  of  favor  that  have  been  conferred  on  others  : 
whereas,  the  united  voice  of  complaint  from  the  whole 
might  make  ill  impressions  in  their  own  country,  which 
it  is  not  our  interest  should  exist" 

A  few  weeks  later  a  rumor  came  that  Congress  had 
given  Ducoudray  all  that  he  had  asked.  At  once  Gen 
erals  Greene,  Sullivan,  and  Knox  wrote  to  the  President 
of  Congress  begging  him  to  confirm  the  rumor,  and,  if 
confirmed,  to  permit  them  to  retire.  The  tone  of  the 
letters  was  too  curt  to  please  Congress,  who  regarded 
the  action  of  the  generals  as  "  an  attempt  to  influence 
their  decisions,  an  invasion  of  the  liberties  of  the  people, 
and  as  indicating  a  want  of  confidence  in  the  justice 
of  Congress."  Unless  the  officers  were  willing  to  make 
proper  acknowledgments  for  an  interference  of  so 
dangerous  a  tendency,  they  were  at  liberty  to  retire 
from  the  service.  The  truth  was  that  Congress  had,  as 
yet,  not  even  considered  the  Ducoudray  matter,  and  a 
few  days  later,  when  it  came  before  them,  his  demands 
were  disallowed.  It  was  Washington  who  conveyed  to 


270  George  Washington 

the  striking  generals  the  rebuff  of  Congress,  and  it  was 
full  proof  of  his  delicacy  and  power  of  reasoning  that 
he  could  persuade  the  three  to  remain  in  the  service, 
bound  to  it  and  to  him  more  strongly  than  ever. 

Rumors  of  criticism  had  reached  him.  "  We  have 
some  amongst  us,"  he  confided  to  Reed,  "  and  I  dare  say 
generals,  who  wish  to  make  themselves  popular  at  the 
expense  of  others,  or  who  think  the  cause  is  not  to  be 
advanced  otherwise  than  by  fighting, — the  peculiar  cir 
cumstances  under  which  it  is  to  be  done,  and  the  conse 
quences  which  may  follow,  are  objects  too  trivial  for 
their  attention, — but  as  I  have  one  great  end  in  view, 
I  shall,  maugre  all  the  [illegible]  of  this  kind,  steadily 
pursue  the  means  which  in  my  judgment  leads  to  the 
accomplishment  of  it,  not  doubting  but  that  the  candid 
part  of  mankind,  if  they  are  convinced  of  my  integrity, 
will  make  proper  allowance  for  my  inexperience  and 
frailties." 


CHAPTER  XV 


SARATOGA    AND    PHILADELPHIA 


N  July  ist,  it  was  full  time  for  a 
campaign.  When  Washington  saw 
Howe  retiring  to  Staten  Island  he 
learned  of  the  first  movement  of 
Burgoyne  from  Canada.  He  could 
not  believe  that  Howe  had  any 
other  motive  in  his  retreat  than  to 
prepare  for  a  push  up  the  Hudson,  to  take  the  passes 
and  so  prepare  for  a  junction  with  Burgoyne.  As 
plainly  seen  were  his  own  operations  :  he  should  keep 
Howe  below  the  Highlands,  and  prevent  a  union  of 
the  two  armies.  Success  would  depend  upon  Schuyler's 
being  able  to  hold  in  check  the  Canada  expedition, 
and  only  a  few  days  passed  before  it  was  learned 
that  Ticonderoga  had  been  evacuated.  The  American 
force  under  St.  Clair  had  gone  to  Mount  Independence, 
and  feeling  insecure  in  that  place  had  retreated  towards 
Albany.  The  first  confused  accounts  pointed  to  an 
even  greater  disaster, —  the  capture  of  St.  Clair's  army. 
Days  passed  without  any  news,  and  only  shrouded  in 
deeper  mystery  a  step  that  Washington  had  not  be 
lieved  to  be  within  the  compass  of  his  reasoning.  That 

271 


272  George  Washington 

a  strong  force  should  so  lightly  abandon  a  strong  posi 
tion,  without  striking  a  blow,  was  an  event  of  chagrin 
and  surprise. 

He  had  sent  one  brigade  to  reinforce  the  northern 
army,  and  now  held  another  in  readiness  to  march  on 
short  notice.  The  main  body  was  in  the  meanwhile 
moved  towards  the  North  River,  to  a  position  easy  to  be 
used  in  a  northern  or  southern  manoeuvre.  Knowing  his 
bravery,  activity,  and  influence  with  the  eastern  militia, 
Washington  wished  to  send  Arnold  to  the  northward, 
and  Congress  directed  him  to  proceed  to  headquarters  for 
orders.  Putnam,  in  the  Highlands,  was  strongly  urged 
to  omit  no  precautions  against  attack,  even  to  blocking 
all  roads  not  absolutely  necessary  to  keep  open  communi 
cations  for  supplies.  St.  Clair  was  not  a  prisoner,  but 
the  prospect  was  not  promising.  Drawing  encourage 
ment  from  the  reverse,  Washington  thought  Burgoyne, 
flushed  with  apparent  success,  might  hurry  into  meas 
ures  which  would  in  their  consequences  be  favorable 
to  the  continent.  "  We  should  never  despair.  Our 
situation  before  has  been  unpromising  and  has  changed 
for  the  better  —  so,  I  trust,  it  will  again.  If  new  diffi 
culties  arise,  we  must  only  put  forth  new  exertions  and 
proportion  our  efforts  to  the  exigency  of  the  times." 
No  more  men  could  be  sent  from  the  main  army,  and 
the  militia  of  New  England  and  New  York  was  alone 
available.  Orders  were  given  for  them  to  meet  at  Sar 
atoga,  and  the  plea  for  aid  was  made  all  the  stronger  by 
the  known  presence  of  Indians  in  Burgoyne's  army. 
The  main  object  was  to  check  and,  if  possible,  repel  an 
enemy  who,  "  not  content  with  hiring  mercenaries  to 
lay  waste  your  country,  have  now  brought  Savages, 


Saratoga  and  Philadelphia  273 

with  the  avowed  and  express  intent  of  adding  murder 
to  desolation." 

Washington  believed  that  Burgoyne  would  act  with 
energy,  as  he  enjoyed  a  reputation  for  brilliant  valor. 
Before  the  first  skirmish,  however,  he  recognized  an 
almost  fatal  weakness  in  the  English  general's  opera 
tions.  The  army  comprised  about  five  thousand  men, 
but  was  unprovided  with  the  wagons  necessary  to  trans 
port  the  baggage,  supplies,  and  apparatus.  To  pene 
trate  a  country  where  no  supplies  could  be  had,  and 
through  which  numerous  garrisons  must  be  left  to 
maintain  communication  with  Canada,  was  a  rash  ven 
ture,  and  every  mile  advanced  would  reduce  the  fighting 
force  by  a  constant  drain  for  detachments  and  safeguards 
to  protect  their  rear  or  awe  the  country.  The  course 
to  be  pursued  was  clear  to  Washington,  who  gave  his 
views  to  Schuyler.  "  As  they  have  to  cut  out  their 
road,  and  remove  the  impediments  you  have  put  in  their 
way,  this  circumstance,  with  the  incumbrance  they  must 
feel  in  their  baggage,  stores,  etc.,  will  inevitably  retard 
their  march  a  considerable  time,  and  give  you  leisure 
and  opportunity  to  prepare  a  good  reception  for  them. 
If  they  continue  to  act  in  detachments,  you  will  have  it 
in  your  power  to  improve  it  to  very  great  advantage,  by 
falling  vigorously  upon  some  one  of  them  with  your 
whole  force,  which,  if  you  are  fortunate  enough  to  suc 
ceed  in,  will  be  fatal  to  them."  This  made  it  important 
to  gather  a  respectable  force  of  militia,  but  the  recruit 
ing  service  had  so  completely  broken  down  that  a  new 
system  was  suggested  by  Washington  and  adopted  by 
Congress.  The  recruiting  agent  was  no  longer  to  be 
an  officer  of  the  army,  but  a  person  appointed  by  the 

18 


274  George  Washington 

State,  and  under  its  direction,  to  obtain  men  from  a 
particular  district. 

Although  Howe  had  embarked  his  troops  on  July 
1 2th,  it  was  not  until  the  24th  that  he  solved  in  part  the 
doubts  of  Washington  by  sailing  from  the  Hook.  He 
had  sought  to  keep  alive  a  hesitation  by  sending  vessels 
now  up  the  North  River,  and  again  into  the  Sound ;  but 
to  take  the  ocean  pointed  to  a  southern  expedition,  and, 
in  all  probability,  one  against  Philadelphia.  Even  an 
intercepted  letter  from  Howe,  carefully  prepared  to  de 
ceive,  could  not  blind  Washington  to  his  real  intention. 
When  the  vessels  were  sighted  off  the  coasts,  he  was 
confirmed  in  his  conjecture ;  yet  he  could  not  under 
stand  Howe's  in  a  manner  abandoning  Burgoyne,  and, 
after  his  dispositions  for  marching  to  the  southward 
were  made,  could  not  help  casting  his  eyes  continually 
behind  him.  On  the  last  day  of  July,  an  express  from 
Congress  brought  news  of  the  British  fleet  being  off  the 
capes  of  Delaware.  On  the  same  evening,  Washington, 
leaving  the  army,  reached  Philadelphia,  only  to  return 
at  once,  as  the  British  fleet  again  stood  out  to  sea.  It 
is  known  that  Washington  brought  his  army  thus  far 
against  his  own  judgment,  and  on  the  advice  of  a  ma 
jority  of  his  officers.  He  now  retraced  his  steps  and 
was  again  under  great  doubt  where  the  enemy  intended 
to  strike.  Charleston  was  the  only  place  of  importance 
south  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  its  stores  might  attract 
the  enemy.  .  Against  that  the  lateness  of  the  season 
must  be  placed.  Even  had  that  city  been  the  object  of 
the  British,  the  American  army  could  not  have  rendered 
any  assistance. 

On    August    ist    Congress    adopted    a    resolution 


Saratoga  and  Philadelphia  275 

authorizing  Washington  to  send  an  officer  to  command 
the  northern  army.  This  marked  the  culmination  of  a 
long  struggle  that  was  based  upon  little  but  sectional 
jealousy.  For  two  years  there  had  been  a  feeling  of 
distrust  of  Schuyler  among  the  New  England  States, 
for  which  no  good  reason  could  be  given.  Of  its  pres 
ence  and  daily  force  there  were  many  proofs,  and  there 
was  little  doubt  that  it  hampered  the  operations  of  the 
General  and  introduced  a  spirit  of  discord  among  those 
acting  under  him.  The  northern  army  had  always  been 
somewhat  independent  of  Washington,  and  more  im 
mediately  under  Congress,  who  named  its  officers  and 
controlled  its  operations.  It  had  been  made  thus  inde 
pendent  to  offer  a  foil  against  an  overweening  authority 
in  Washington,  for  the  jealousy  of  a  military  commander 
was  strong  among  the  colonists  and  in  Congress.  Ad 
vice,  Washington  could  offer ;  but  beyond  that  he  had 
not  interfered  with  its  operations  save  to  give  it  rein 
forcements  to  the  extent  of  his  abilities,  and  sometimes 
beyond  his  safety.  He  now  declined  to  make  an  ap 
pointment,  though  urged  by  almost  the  entire  New 
England  delegation  to  name  Gates  for  the  place.  This 
showed  the  animus  of  the  movement ;  for  Gates,  always 
more  of  a  political  than  a  military  agent,  had  been  near 
Congress,  where  he  could  favor  his  own  ambitions. 
Washington  knew  the  merits  of  Schuyler,  but  he  also 
saw  that  with  Gates  in  command  the  excuse  of  a  want 
of  confidence  in  the  general  officers,  so  often  urged  by 
the  eastern  States  to  withhold  reinforcements,  would  be 
wanting.  Gates  received  a  commission  from  Congress. 
President  Hancock  learned  of  the  presence  of  the 
English  fleet  in  Chesapeake  Bay  on  August  22d,  and 


276  George  Washington 

at  once  sent  an  express  to  Washington.  This  intelli 
gence,  unwelcome  as  it  was,  solved  all  doubt  as  to  the 
operations  at  hand.  New  England,  no  longer  expect 
ing  an  incursion  by  sea,  could  devote  all  its  energies  to 
checking  Burgoyne,  already  known  to  be  in  want  of 
many  things,  and  still  smarting  from  the  defeat  inflicted 
on  a  detachment  at  Bennington  by  General  Stark.  The 
Highlands  were  in  a  good  attitude  of  defense,  and  al 
most  strong  enough  to  resist  any  attempt  of  the  garri 
son  at  New  York,  now  under  the  command  of  Sir  Henry 
Clinton.  Washington  moved  his  own  forces  to  Phila 
delphia,  marching  through  the  city  by  day,  to  produce 
an  effect  upon  the  disaffected,  and  making  a  fine  appear 
ance.  On  the  following  afternoon  the  army  reached 
Wilmington,  at  which  place  all  the  militia  within  call 
was  summoned  to  assemble.  The  enemy  had  debarked 
at  the  Head  of  Elk,  and  Washington,  with  all  his  horse, 
save  one  regiment,  rode  over  to  reconnoitre.  He  made 
his  dispositions  upon  a  plan  that  experience  had  shown 
to  be  a  good  one.  In  place  of  combining  the  regulars 
and  militia  in  one  force,  offering  a  fair  mark  for  a  com 
bined  attack  from  the  enemy  and  putting  all  at  risk  on 
the  issue  of  a  single  battle,  he  had  bodies  of  militia 
hanging  on  the  flanks  of  the  enemy,  so  as  to  give  the 
greatest  possible  annoyance  during  the  march.  Such  a 
plan  was  forced  upon  him  by  the  smallness  of  his  army  ; 
but  it  was  a  wise  plan,  as  it  prevented  the  British  from 
gaining  so  decided  an  advantage  as  their  superiority  in 
service  and  discipline  would  seem  to  command. 

The  efficacy  of  the  arrangement  was  not  tested  be 
fore  the  English,  advancing  along  Brandywine  Creek, 
met  the  main  force  of  the  Americans  and  drove  it  from 


Saratoga  and  Philadelphia  277 

the  field.  Washington  claimed  that  the  intelligence  re 
ceived  was  uncertain  and  contradictory,  and  no  proper 
disposition  of  his  troops  could  be  made.  Fighting  un 
der  disadvantages,  the  Americans  held  their  ground  for 
a  time,  but,  being  beaten  back  on  both  wings,  were 
obliged  to  retreat.  Demoralizing  as  the  setback  was, 
it  might  have  been  disastrous  ;  but  the  American  force 
held  together,  a  point  gained  in  discipline,  if  no  more. 

Washington  entertained  a  hope  of  being  able  to 
meet  the  enemy  before  they  could  reach  Philadelphia, 
but  the  condition  of  his  army  was  such  as  to  forbid. 
Marching  and  countermarching  as  well  as  he  was  able, 
through  night  and  rain  that  damped  the  spirits  of  his 
soldiers  and  ruined  their  ammunition  ;  unable  to  learn 
where  the  enemy  was,  and  finally  unable  to  make  a 
forced  march  because  of  a  want  of  shoes,  at  least  one 
thousand  men  being  barefooted,  he  had  the  mortifica 
tion  of  knowing  that  his  efforts  had  been  fruitless,  and 
nothing  remained  but  to  strengthen  the  river  posts  to 
annoy  and  delay  the  English  fleet  and  army,  and  in  all 
probability  prevent  their  supplies  from  reaching  them. 

Howe  had  plainly  outgeneralled  the  Americans,  and 
was  within  reach  of  his  object  almost  without  meeting  se 
rious  opposition.  The  British  army  in  Philadelphia  was 
estimated  to  number  eight  thousand,  while  Washington 
commanded,  according  to  the  returns,  the  same  number 
of  regulars  and  about  three  thousand  militia.  By  await 
ing  an  opportunity  a  fair  blow  could  be  struck,  as  the 
enemy  were  distracted  by  the  forts  on  the  river.  On 
October  4th,  learning  that  a  detachment  of  English  had 
been  sent  to  reduce  Billingsport,  Washington  attacked 
Germantown  and  but  for  the  confusion  produced  by  a 


278  George  Washington 

heavy  fog,  and  the  undue  attention  given  to  a  small 
party  in  the  Chew  house,  would  have  accomplished  all 
that  could  be  desired.  He  was  obliged  to  retreat  in  the 
midst  of  the  most  promising  appearances,  and  described 
the  day  as  "  rather  unfortunate  than  injurious."  Such 
were  the  surprise,  tumult,  and  despair  of  the  English 
that  they  had  appointed  a  retreat  to  Chester  ;  but  it  was 
not  for  some  days  that  the  Americans  learned  how  near 
they  had  been  to  gaining  a  complete  victory. 

The  old  difficulty  again  came  forward,  and  with  ag 
gravated  weight.  The  militia,  having  served  their  term, 
threatened  to  go.  In  making  an  estimate  of  his  strength 
Washington  found  much  food  for  reflection.  While 
New  York  and  New  Jersey  were  defending  themselves 
by  their  own  militia,  and  supplied  men  for  the  main  and 
northern  armies,  Pennsylvania  gave  only  twelve  hun 
dred  militia,  and  to  all  appearances  found  it  impossible 
to  maintain  that  number.  The  most  opulent  and  pop 
ulous  of  the  States,  with  its  capital  in  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  could  only  supply  a  force  that  was  of  little  ser 
vice  and  promised  nothing  better.  Without  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Delaware  it  would  be  too  dangerous 
for  Howe  to  remain  in  Philadelphia,  and  he  could  not 
obtain  a  mastery  of  the  river  without  taking  the  forts 
that  a  garrison  of  militia  could  defend.  In  an  indignant 
tone  Washington  advised  the  executive  of  the  State  to 
call  out  one  half  of  the  men  capable  of  bearing  arms, 
and  rouse  the  people  of  the  province  to  a  manly  and 
effectual  opposition.  Even  its  battalions  in  the  Conti 
nental  army  were  not  maintained  at  their  full  force.  As 
it  was,  a  draft  could  raise  men  in  time  only  for  the  next 
campaign,  to  be  begun  in  the  spring. 


Saratoga  and  Philadelphia  279 

In  the  matter  of  officers  Congress  again  placed  stum 
bling-blocks  in  the  organization  of  the  army.  The 
General  had  more  than  once  complained  of  a  want  of 
general  officers,  and  the  recognition  or  appointment  of 
foreigners  was  of  no  assistance.  The  Ducoudray  in 
cident  carried  no  lesson  to  Congress,  and  Washington 
wrote  to  Franklin,  now  in  Paris,  stating  his  embarrass 
ments,  and  asking  him  to  discourage  their  coming.  So 
sensitive  was  he  that  the  romantic  mission  of  Lafayette 
made  little  impression,  and  he  saw  in  him  the  greedy 
adventurer,  eager  to  secure  all  that  could  further  his 
reputation  and  advancement  in  France.  Count  Pulaski 
had  proved  his  ability  in  Europe  and  received  an  atten 
tion  not  accorded  to  others  with  higher  recommenda 
tions  but  of  very  limited  service.  Arendt  and  Armand 
received  commissions  and  proved  their  worthiness ;  but 
Deborre  resigned  under  a  cloud.  Some  of  the  Ameri 
cans  were  placed  by  Congress  in  positions  where  they 
could  be  of  no  service.  Schuyler  was  practically  retired, 
St.  Clair  was  on  trial  for  evacuating  the  northern  posts, 
and  Sullivan  was  wrongly  suspected  of  cowardice  and 
would  have  been  under  suspension  had  not  Washing 
ton  interfered.  As  the  army  then  stood,  two  major- 
generals  and  four  brigadiers  in  addition  were  needed, 
so  Lafayette  and  DeKalb  were  given  commissions  as 
major-generals,  and  it  was  rumored  Conway,  an  Irishman 
of  the  French  army,  was  to  be  made  a  major-general. 

Good  reasons  existed  why  Conway  should  not  re 
ceive  the  appointment.  Upon  his  arrival,  he  made  a 
fair  impression  upon  Washington  as  "  a  man  of  candor," 
but  more  because  he  could  speak  English  than  for  any 
demonstrated  ability.  Service  tested  his  quality  and  he 


280  George  Washington 

rang  false.  His  merit  existed  more  in  his  imagination 
than  in  reality.  "It  is  a  maxim  with  him,"  wrote 
Washington,  "to  leave  no  service  of  his  own  untold, 
nor  to  want  any  thing  which  is  to  be  obtained  by  im 
portunity."  He  was  the  youngest  brigadier  in  the 
service,  and  he  would  be  promoted  over  the  heads  of  his 
seniors.  No  action  of  his  had  been  of  such  conspicuous 
worth  as  to  merit  such  reward,  and  those  who  would  be 
passed  over  had  as  good,  if  not  better,  claims  to  pro 
motion.  It  was  certain  that  they  would  judge  of  the 
propriety  of  serving  under  Conway,  while  recognizing 
the  authority  of  Congress  to  make  the  appointment. 
The  spirit  of  resignation  was  prevalent  among  the 
officers.  "No  day  passes  over  my  head  without  ap 
plication  for  leave  to  resign.  Within  the  last  six  days, 
I  am  certain,  twenty  commissions  at  least  have  been 
tendered  to  me."  To  advance  Conway  would  involve 
the  army  in  confusion,  for  every  senior  brigadier  would 
resign.  "  I  must  conjure  you  to  conjure  Congress  to 
consider  this  matter  well,  and  not,  by  a  real  act  of  in 
justice,  compel  some  good  officers  to  leave  the  service, 
and  thereby  incur  a  train  of  evils  unforeseen  and  irre 
mediable.  To  sum  up  the  whole,  I  have  been  a  slave  to 
the  service  ;  I  have  undergone  more  than  most  men  are 
aware  of,  to  harmonize  so  many  discordant  parts  ;  but 
it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  be  of  any  service,  if  such 
insuperable  difficulties  are  thrown  in  my  way." 

A  note  from  Governor  Clinton,  dated  October  I5th, 
reached  Washington  three  days  later,  and  told  of  the 
capitulation  of  Burgoyne  and  his  entire  army.  With 
sincere  feeling  Washington  saw  in  it  a  signal  stroke  of 
Providence,  and  without  a  trace  of  envy  turned  to  the 


Saratoga  and  Philadelphia  281 

perplexities  of  his  own  field.  "  Should  Providence  be 
pleased  to  crown  our  arms  in  the  course  of  the  cam 
paign  with  one  more  fortunate  stroke,  I  think  we  shall 
have  no  cause  for  anxiety  respecting  the  future  designs 
of  Britain.  I  trust  all  will  be  well  in  His  good  time." 
Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  gone  up  the  river  with  an  evident 
intention  of  joining  Burgoyne,  but  was  met  by  a  messen 
ger  of  defeat,  and,  after  plundering  a  little,  turned  back 
to  New  York. 

For  ten  days  Washington  awaited  some  official  no 
tice  of  Burgoyne's  capitulation,  and  before  the  end  of 
that  time  began  to  be  uneasy  lest  the  first  reports  were 
premature,  and  no  great  victory  had  been  gained.  Even 
then  it  was  from  Putnam  that  he  learned  the  terms  of 
the  convention  of  surrender.  Not  a  line  from  Gates 
had  come,  and  no  intimation  of  what  was  to  be  done 
with  his  army,  of  a  part  of  which  Washington  stood  in 
such  sore  need.  By  a  well  considered  attack,  the  Brit 
ish  might  be  driven  from  Philadelphia  ;  but  his  officers 
in  council  decided  that  in  the  present  condition  of  the 
army  an  attack  was  inadvisable.  The  forts  should  be 
reinforced,  and  twenty  regiments  drawn  from  the  north 
ern  army.  To  obviate  delay,  Alexander  Hamilton  was 
sent  to  Gates  to  point  out  to  him  the  absolute  necessity 
of  sending  down  these  reinforcements,  if  Howe  was  to 
be  placed  in  the  position  Burgoyne  then  held.  Yet 
with  such  positive  views,  Washington  showed  his  con 
sideration  for  Gates.  "  If,  upon  your  meeting  with 
General  Gates,  you  should  find  that  he  intends,  in  con 
sequence  of  his  success,  to  employ  the  troops  under  his 
command  upon  some  expedition,  by  the  prosecution  of 
which  the  common  cause  will  be  more  benefited  than 


282  George  Washington 

by  their  being  sent  down  to  reinforce  this  army,  it  is 
not  my  wish  to  give  any  interruption  to  the  plan." 

Although  Washington  was  not  responsible  for  the 
convention  of  Saratoga,  the  arrangement  of  details  and 
the  many  inconveniences  fell  upon  him.  Howe's  ob 
ject  was  to  get  the  soldiers  to  England,  where  they 
could  be  used  for  garrison  purposes,  setting  free  the 
same  number  of  men  for  service  in  America.  The 
maintenance  of  these  prisoners  imposed  a  heavy  tax 
upon  New  England,  which  earnestly  desired  to  throw 
it  off,  and  to  this  extent  supported  Howe's  wishes. 
Washington  did  not  wish  to  expedite  the  passage  to 
England,  clearly  seeing  that  it  would  mean  a  heavy 
reinforcement  to  Howe's  army.  He  would  suggest 
causes  for  delay,  refusing,  for  example,  to  permit  a 
change  of  the  place  of  embarking,  from  Boston,  which 
was  named  in  the  convention,  to  Rhode  Island,  a  safer 
and  more  convenient  place  for  the  British  transports. 
He  would  support  the  prisoners  while  on  shore,  but  not 
an  ounce  of  sea  supplies  would  he  furnish  or  even  sell 
to  them  or  the  vessels.  At  a  later  period  he  wished  all 
supplies  for  these  convention  prisoners  to  be  paid  for 
in  coin,  and  Congress  adopted  the  suggestion,  much 
to  the  surprise  of  Burgoyne,  who  thought  it  strange 
that  Congress  would  not  accept  its  own  currency. 

On  November  i6th  Fort  Mifflin,  after  a  gallant  de 
fense,  was  evacuated  by  the  Americans,  and  this  practi 
cally  gave  the  British  full  possession  of  Philadelphia. 
It  was  on  this  fort  that  the  attention  and  consideration 
of  Washington  had  been  fixed  for  weeks,  and  on  its 
maintenance  depended  the  ability  to  annoy  the  enemy  in 
the  city.  Too  heavy  sacrifices  were  not  demanded,  as 


Saratoga  and  Philadelphia  283 

the  importance  of  Philadelphia  to  the  English  had  been 
greatly  exaggerated. 

After  a  week  of  anxiety,  during  which  the  last  of  the 
river  defenses  were  captured  by  the  British,  Washing 
ton  received  the  brigades  from  the  north  and  once  more 
determined  to  make  an  assault.  Cornwallis,  with  a  part 
of  the  army,  was  in  New  Jersey,  and  in  his  absence  the 
force  in  Philadelphia  was  about  equal  to  that  under 
Washington.  In  council,  eleven  of  the  officers  were 
opposed  to  the  plan,  and  only  four  favored  it.  In  the 
face  of  such  a  decision  it  would  be  unwise  to  make  an 
attack,  however  strongly  the  pressure  from  the  outside 
urged  it.  Upon  reconnoitring  the  works  around  Phila 
delphia,  they  were  found  to  be  so  strong  that  the  en 
gineer,  Du  Portail,  declared  they  could  not  be  taken  by 
assault.  Disappointed,  the  General  turned  to  Greene, 
now  taking  high  rank  among  the  trusted.  "  Our  situa 
tion,  as  you  justly  observe,  is  distressing  from  a  variety 
of  irremediable  causes,  but  more  especially  from  the  im 
practicability  of  answering  the  expectations  of  the  world 
without  running  hazards  which  no  military  principles 
can  justify,  and  which,  in  case  of  failure,  might  prove  the 
ruin  of  our  cause ;  patience,  and  a  steady  perseverance 
in  such  measures  as  appear  warranted  by  sound  reason 
and  policy,  must  support  us  under  the  censure  of  the 
one,  and  dictate  a  proper  line  of  conduct  for  the  attain 
ment  of  the  other  ;  that  is  the  great  object  in  view. 
This,  as  it  ever  has,  will,  I  think,  ever  remain  the  first 
wish  of  my  heart,  however  I  may  mistake  the  means  of 
accomplishment. " 

Public  opinion  must  be  outraged  by  withdrawing 
the  Continental  troops  from  New  Jersey.  Knowing  his 


284  George  Washington 

want  of  strength,  Washington  had  spread  reports  of  a 
larger  force  than  he  ever  possessed,  desiring  to  deceive 
the  enemy  and  hold  them  in  check.  These  reports  also 
deceived  his  friends,  and  both  in  and  out  of  Congress 
dissatisfaction  was  freely  expressed  over  his  inactivity. 
Congress  had  turned  to  Gates,  and  directed  him  to  un 
dertake  the  capture  of  the  forts  held  by  the  British  on 
the  North  River,  and  put  them  in  the  best  posture  of 
defense.  As  the  forts  had  been  evacuated  voluntarily, 
and  even  Ticonderoga  was  no  longer  an  enemy's  post, 
but  little  remained  for  Gates  to  accomplish  save  to  for 
tify  and  plan  for  the  campaign  of  the  next  spring.  A 
more  important  step  was  taken  by  calling  Gates  to  the 
new  Board  of  War. 

The  many  details  coming  before  Congress  had  caused 
a  weakness  in  executive  capacity.  To  secure  more 
prompt  attention  to  military  matters,  it  was  determined 
to  create  a  Board  of  War,  to  be  composed  of  persons 
not  in  Congress.  The  original  intention  was  to  make  a 
board  of  three  members.  Mifflin,  who  had  just  resigned 
his  commissions  as  major-general  and  quartermaster- 
general,  was  the  first  member  selected,  and  offers  were 
made  to  Timothy  Pickering,  lately  acting  as  adjutant- 
general  of  the  army,  and  Robert  Hanson  Harrison,  the 
secretary  of  Washington.  Such  a  membership  was 
justifiable  if  Congress  wished  to  secure  advisers  of  the 
highest  experience  and  best  information.  The  positions 
held  by  these  men  were  a  guarantee  of  their  ability. 
The  service  under  Mifflin  was  open  to  criticism,  but  the 
difficulties  were  great.  Pickering  had  not  yet  developed 
a  political  ambition,  and  was  an  industrious  worker. 
Harrison  had  proved  a  safe  and  wise  adviser  and  trusted 


Saratoga  and  Philadelphia  285 

confidant.  Before  the  board  was  complete,  Congress 
raised  the  membership  to  five,  and  introduced  a  char 
acter  that  stamped  its  functions  with  an  objectionable 
bias.  Harrison  declined  the  appointment,  and  Gates, 
Joseph  Trumbull,  and  Richard  Peters  were  named. 
Trumbull  could  bring  his  experiences  in  the  field,  and 
Peters  made  a  conscientious  committeeman.  Gates  was 
chosen  president  of  the  board,  and  attended  its  sessions 
even  before  he  had  qualified  as  member. 

So  intent  was  Congress  upon  a  winter's  campaign 
that  a  committee  was  sent  to  camp  to  press  it  upon 
Washington.  Once  with  the  General,  a  freer  inter 
change  of  opinion  could  be  given,  and  conditions  could 
be  seen  better  than  they  could  be  described  in  any  de 
spatch.  It  was  admitted  at  once  that  the  army  must  be 
completed  before  any  movement  could  be  made  ;  and  to 
complete  the  army  the  establishment  must  be  placed 
upon  a  better  footing.  There  was  great  discontent 
among  the  officers,  whose  pay  was  still  so  insufficient  as 
to  afford  them  no  comfort.  It  was  necessary  to  make  a 
commission  a  desirable  object,  and  to  preserve  the  rank 
from  contempt  and  degradation.  The  committee  pro 
posed  to  form  a  half-pay  establishment ;  to  offer  pen 
sions  to  the  widows  of  officers ;  and  to  make  a  new 
regulation  of  rank,  confining  it  as  far  as  was  possible  to 
the  line  of  the  army. 

This  reform  could  only  affect  the  army  in  the  next 
campaign,  and  could  not  relieve  present  distresses.  No 
movement  could  be  made  because  of  the  defects  in  the 
commissary  department.  Remonstrance  had  failed  to 
produce  any  reform,  and  pleading  was  as  inefficacious. 
Fighting  was  preferable  to  starving,  but  without  food 


286  George  Washington 

there  could  be  no  fighting.  "  Three  days  successively," 
wrote  Varnum,  "  we  have  been  destitute  of  bread.  Two 
days  we  have  been  entirely  without  meat.  The  men 
must  be  supplied,  or  they  cannot  be  commanded."  On 
December  23d,  oppressed  by  what  he  saw  and  heard, 
Washington  wrote  to  Congress  :  "  Unless  some  great 
and  capital  change  suddenly  takes  in  that  line  [commis 
sary's  department],  this  army  must  inevitably  be  re 
duced  to  one  or  other  of  these  three  things ;  starve, 
dissolve,  or  disperse  in  order  to  obtain  subsistence  in  the 
best  manner  they  can.  Rest  assured  this  is  not  an  ex 
aggerated  picture."  Mutiny  among  the  troops  was  an 
ever-present  contingency,  and  the  future  promised  little 
improvement.  Worn  out  by  his  anxieties,  the  General 
protested  his  helplessness,  and  turned  upon  his  critics. 
The  change  in  the  head  of  the  commissary  department 
was  made  contrary  to  his  judgment.  "  Yet,  finding  that 
the  inactivity  of  the  army,  whether  for  want  of  pro 
visions,  clothes,  or  other  essentials,  is  charged  to  my 
account,  not  only  by  the  common  vulgar  but  by  those  in 
power,  it  is  time  to  speak  plain  in  exculpation  of  myself. 
With  truth,  then,  I  can  declare,  that  no  man  in  my 
opinion  ever  had  his  measures  more  impeded  than  I 
have,  by  every  department  of  the  army. 

"  We  find  gentlemen,  without  knowing  whether  the 
army  was  really  going  into  winter  quarters  or  not  (for 
I  am  sure  no  resolution  of  mine  would  warrant  the  re 
monstrance),  reprobating  the  measure  as  much  as  if 
they  thought  the  soldiers  were  made  of  stocks  or  stones, 
and  equally  insensible  of  frost  and  snow  ;  and  moreover, 
as  if  they  conceived  it  easily  practicable  for  an  inferior 
army,  under  the  disadvantages  I  have  described  ours  to 


Saratoga  and  Philadelphia  287 

be,  which  are  by  no  means  exaggerated,  to  confine  a 
superior  one,  in  all  respects  well-appointed  and  provided 
for  a  winter's  campaign,  within  the  city  of  Philadelphia, 
and  to  cover  from  depredation  and  waste  the  States  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Jersey.  But  what  makes  this  matter 
still  more  extraordinary  in  my  eye  is,  that  those  very 
gentlemen, — who  were  well  apprized  of  the  nakedness 
of  the  troops  from  ocular  demonstration,  who  thought 
their  own  soldiers  worse  clad  than  others,  and  who  ad 
vised  me  near  a  month  ago  to  postpone  the  execution 
of  a  plan  I  was  about  to  adopt,  in  consequence  of  a  re 
solve  of  Congress  for  seizing  clothes,  under  strong  as 
surances  that  an  ample  supply  would  be  collected  in  ten 
days  agreeably  to  a  decree  of  the  State  (not  one  article 
of  which,  by  the  by,  is  yet  come  to  hand), — should  think 
a  winter's  campaign,  and  the  covering  of  these  States 
from  the  invasion  of  an  enemy,  so  easy  and  practicable 
a  business.  I  can  assure  those  gentlemen,  that  it  is  a 
much  easier  and  less  distressing  thing  to  draw  remon 
strances  in  a  comfortable  room  by  a  good  fireside,  than 
to  occupy  a  cold,  bleak  hill,  and  sleep  under  frost  and 
snow,  without  clothes  or  blankets.  However,  although 
they  seem  to  have  little  feeling  for  the  naked  and  dis 
tressed  soldiers,  I  feel  abundantly  for  them,  and,  from 
my  soul,  I  pity  those  miseries,  which  it  is  neither  in  my 
power  to  relieve  or  prevent." 

Nothing  remained  but  to  put  the  tro'ops  in  winter 
quarters.  There  was  much  difference  of  opinion  on 
the  proper  place  to  be  taken,  for  it  should  be  a  position 
which  would  best  cover  the  troops,  and  at  the  same 
time  protect  the  country  and  prevent  the  enemy  from 
obtaining  supplies  when  the  Delaware  was  closed  or 


288  George  Washington 

obstructed  by  ice.  To  all  suggestions  for  protecting 
particular  places  Washington  turned  a  deaf  ear.  "  It 
would  give  me  infinite  pleasure  to  afford  protection  to 
every  individual,  and  to  every  spot  of  ground,  in  the 
whole  of  the  United  States.  Nothing  is  more  my 
wish  ;  but  this  is  not  possible  with  our  present  force. 
In  all  wars,  from  the  nature  of  things,  individuals  and 
particular  places  must  be  exposed.  It  has  ever  been 
and  ever  will  be  the  case,  and  we  have  only  to  pity  and 
to  regret  the  misfortune  of  those,  who  from  their  situa 
tion  are  subject  to  ravage  and  depredation.  These 
facts  are  obvious  to  all  ;  and  if  that  system  of  conduct 
is  pursued  by  an  army,  which  is  most  likely  to  give  the 
most  extensive  security,  it  is  all  that  can  be  done  or 
expected  from  it."  By  keeping  the  army  together  the 
best  prospects  of  checking  the  excursions  of  the  enemy 
were  attained,  and  by  settling  at  Valley  Forge  the 
widest  extent  of  territory  could  be  protected.  One  di 
vision  was  placed  at  Wilmington  to  shield  Delaware  ; 
New  Jersey  was  left  to  its  fate. 

Government  by  requisition  had  been  tested  to  the 
full  and  was  failing  in  every  direction.  The  rise  of 
State  governments,  clothed  with  greater  powers  than 
Congress  could  ever  hope  to  enjoy,  drew  off  the  strong 
est  men  and  made  them  State  rather  than  Continental 
representatives.  They  began  to  show  jealousy  of  the 
military  power,  and  resented  such  exercise  of  it  as  was 
involved  in  imposing  oaths  of  allegiance,  military  requi 
sitions,  and  regulations  of  commerce  on  the  citizens. 
Without  money,  Congress  looked  to  the  States  for  the 
means  ;  and  without  provisions,  Washington  turned  to 
the  executives  of  the  States  to  supply  them.  A  reason 


Saratoga  and  Philadelphia  289 

for  this  existed.  "  The  people  at  large  are  governed 
much  by  custom.  To  acts  of  legislation  or  civil  author 
ity  they  have  ever  been  taught  to  yield  a  willing  obe 
dience,  without  reasoning  about  their  propriety ;  on 
those  of  military  power,  whether  immediate  or  derived 
originally  from  another  source,  they  have  ever  looked 
with  a  jealous  and  suspicious  eye." 

One  by  one  the  duties  of  providing  for  the  army 
were  thrown  upon  the  States.  The  recruiting  was 
taken  from  army  officers  and  given  to  State  agents. 
The  clothing  needed  by  the  men  was  in  part  imported 
from  abroad,  but  it  was  from  the  States  the  larger  part 
was  expected. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


FACTION 

O  reliance  upon  a  French  war  had 
ever  been  entertained  by  Washing 
ton.  An  underhand  assistance  in 
arms  and  ammunition  was  as  far  as 
he  thought  France  would  go,  and 
a  declaration  of  war  must  come 
from  Great  Britain,  if  at  all.  To 
wards  the  end  of  November,  1777,  his  opinion  changed, 
and  he  expressed  surprise  at  the  delay  of  the  French, 
attributing  it  to  political  reasons.  Yet  he  never  ex 
aggerated  the  benefit  to  be  derived  from  a  contest 
between  France  and  England,  preaching  self-help  on 
every  occasion.  "  Nor  should  we,  in  my  opinion,  turn 
our  expectations  to,  or  have  the  least  dependence  on, 
the  intervention  of  a  foreign  war.  Our  wishes  on  this 
have  been  disappointed  hitherto,  and  perhaps  it  may 
long  be  the  case.  However,  be  this  as  it  may,  our 
reliance  should  be  wholly  on  our  own  strength  and  ex 
ertions.  .  .  .  For  my  own  part,  I  should  be  happy 
if  the  idea  of  a  foreign  rupture  should  be  thrown  en 
tirely  out  of  the  scale  of  politics,  and  that  it  may  have 
not  the  least  weight  in  our  public  measures." 


290 


Faction  291 

Chance  opened  to  Washington  a  design  of  certain 
officers  in  the  army  to  displace  him.  Gates  had  sent 
his  aid,  James  Wilkinson,  to  announce  to  Congress  the 
surrender  of  Burgoyne.  Proceeding  leisurely  on  his 
way,  and  overweighted  by  the  communication  he  was 
charged  to  make,  Wilkinson  stopped  at  Reading,  and 
in  a  burst  of  confidence  told  an  aid  of  Lord  Stirling 
that  Brigadier-General  Conway  had  written  to  Gates, 
severely  reflecting  upon  the  Commander-in-chief.  The 
exact  phrase  even  was  communicated :  "  Heaven  has 
been  determined  to  save  your  country ;  or  a  weak  Gen 
eral  and  bad  counsellors  would  have  ruined  it."  As  no 
intimation  was  given  by  Wilkinson  of  secrecy,  the  aid, 
one  Major  McWilliams,  told  it  to  Stirling,  who  at  once 
sent  a  copy  of  the  sentence  to  Washington. 

Washington  wrote  a  curt  note  to  Conway,  stating 
that  in  a  letter  received  the  paragraph  just  given  was 
contained.  Not  a  word  of  comment  or  of  criticism  was 
added.  To  the  members  of  his  family  he  showed  the 
letter,  but  neither  directly  nor  indirectly  did  he  com 
municate  it,  or  the  information  given  by  Stirling,  to 
any  officer  of  the  army,  except  Lafayette.  He  feared 
some  interruption  to  the  peace  of  the  army,  and  some 
dissension  that  might  afford  a  gleam  of  hope  to  the 
enemy.  There  was  but  one  course  for  Conway  to  pur 
sue — resign  ;  and  in  resigning  to  Congress  he  intimated 
a  wish  to  leave  the  continent,  as  a  longer  stay  would 
endanger  his  rank  and  hopes  of  promotion  in  France. 
Washington  pointedly  said  he  would  throw  no  obstacles 
in  the  way  of  his  retirement,  and  was  naturally  more 
than  surprised  to  find  some  six  weeks  later  that  so  far 
from  accepting  the  resignation,  Congress  had  promoted 


292  George  Washington 

Conway  to  be  the  Inspector-General  of  the  army,  with 
the  rank  of  major-general,  and  with  powers  which  made 
him  in  many  respects  independent  of  the  Commander- 
in-chief.  Wilkinson,  for  bringing  the  news  of  Saratoga, 
was  made  a  Brigadier-General.  Both  appointments 
grew  out  of  recommendations  from  Gates,  and  it  was 
at  Mifflin's  earnest  desire  that  Gates  had  been  placed 
at  the  head  of  the  Board  of  War. 

The  reorganization  of  the  army  had  now  become 
the  most  pressing  matter,  and  Washington  stated  his 
opinions  in  a  paper  that  must  be  regarded  as  one  of  the 
most  characteristic  of  his  productions.  It  was  not  a 
bald  outline  of  measures  to  be  framed ;  but  a  summary 
of  what  his  experiences  of  more  than  two  years'  service 
showed  to  be  necessary.  As  an  explanation  of  motives 
it  must  stand  high  ;  and  as  an  indication  of  personal 
character  it  is  of  great  importance.  Under  the  smart  of 
criticism  he  could  strike  back  at  his  critics ;  with  shock 
ing  proof  of  neglect  and  mismanagement  before  him,  he 
could  draw  a  picture  to  suit.  But  it  is  notable  that  he 
never  exaggerated,  or  sought  to  obtain  what  he  wished 
by  appeals  to  passion  or  through  stage  effects  of  pose 
or  language. 

"  A  small  knowledge  of  human  nature  will  convince 
us,  that,  with  far  the  greatest  part  of  mankind,  interest 
is  the  governing  principle ;  and  that,  almost  every  man 
is  more  or  less  under  its  influence.  Motives  of  public 
virtue  may  for  a  time,  or  in  particular  instances  actuate 
men  to  the  observance  of  a  conduct  purely  disinterested ; 
but  they  are  not  of  themselves  sufficient  to  produce  a 
persevering  conformity  to  the  refined  dictates  and  obli 
gations  of  social  duty.  Few  men  are  capable  of  making 


Faction  293 

a  continual  sacrifice  of  all  views  of  private  interest,  or 
advantage,  to  the  common  good."  The  officers  of  the 
army,  who  were  daily  giving  in  their  resignations,  exem 
plified  this  principle.  Entering  upon  what  was  thought 
to  be  a  temporary  service,  and  in  the  first  flush  of  patri 
otic  enthusiasm,  they  gave  little  attention  to  pecuniary 
or  selfish  considerations.  The  prolonged  contest,  the 
many  hardships  and  continuous  loss  and  sacrifice  had 
abated  their  ardor,  and  given  rise  to  a  real  disinclination 
to  continue  in  the  service  under  its  existing  circum 
stances.  They  were  impoverished  by  their  commissions, 
and  conceiving  that  in  holding  them  they  were  conferring, 
not  receiving,  a  favor,  the  demands  of  duty  rested  lightly 
upon  them,  and  apathy  and  inattention  pervaded  all 
ranks.  No  punishment  could  act  upon  them,  as  the 
fear  of  losing  a  commission  was  nothing ;  they  rather 
sought  pretexts  for  disengaging  themselves. 

Even  if  they  remained  in  service  to  the  end  of  the 
war,  they  could  look  forward  to  no  provision.  "  It  must 
also  be  a  comfortless  reflection  to  any  man,  that  after 
he  may  have  contributed  to  securing  the  rights  of  his 
country  at  the  risk  of  his  life  and  the  ruin  of  his  fortune, 
there  would  be  no  provision  made  to  prevent  himself 
and  family  from  sinking  into  indigence  and  wretched 
ness."  A  half-pay  and  pensionary  establishment  would 
go  far  to  reanimate  their  languishing  zeal.  The  Gen 
eral  pressed  this  reform  as  necessary,  and  thought  no 
consideration  of  economy  should  stand  in  its  way.  A 
frugality,  however  well  intended,  would  wound  the  army 
in  a  very  essential  manner,  and  only  protract  the  war. 

Having  made  the  position  of  the  officers  more  en 
durable,  and  conferred  upon  a  commission  some  value, 


294  George  Washington 

the  regiments  must  be  completed  and  their  establish 
ment  altered.  Voluntary  enlistments  had  come  to  an 
end,  and  the  offer  of  exorbitant  bounties  or  other  in 
ducements  had  only  increased  the  rapacity  and  raised 
the  demands  of  those  to  be  allured.  The  alternative, 
however  disagreeable,  was  to  fill  the  regiments  by  drafts 
from  the  militia.  Drafting  for  the  war,  or  for  a  term  of 
years,  would  be  disgusting  and  dangerous,  perhaps  im 
practicable.  It  was  proposed  to  draft  for  a  year,  with 
the  option  of  re-enlisting  on  receiving  a  bounty.  Any 
deficiencies  would  be  made  good  by  new  drafts.  This 
plan  would  be  cheaper  than  the  existing  methods  of 
calling  in  raw  recruits,  and  would  introduce  an  experi 
ment  which  would  gradually  be  accepted  by  the  people, 
and  prove  a  source  of  continual  supplies. 

Assuming  that  the  States  were  competent  to  raise 
eighty  battalions,  Washington  would  have  an  army  of 
40,320  rank  and  file.  To  divide  this  force  into  brigades 
and  divisions,  and  to  appoint  the  necessary  officers,  with 
the  institution  of  such  new  places  as  were  needed,  were 
to  follow,  and  the  quality  of  officers  should  be  upon  a 
high  plane.  A  serious  error  had  been  committed  in 
dealing  out  rank  with  too  prodigal  a  hand.  "  It  lessens 
the  value  and  splendor  of  it,  in  some  measure  degrades 
it  into  contempt,  breeds  jealousies  and  animosities,  and 
takes  away  one  of  the  most  powerful  incitements  to 
emulation."  A  carefully  prepared  scheme  of  rank  in 
volved  questions  of  promotion,  and  a  regulation  that 
should  add  weight  and  dignity  to  the  fighting  part  of 
the  army,  while  securing  the  best  material  for  all  other 
connected  branches  was  greatly  to  be  desired.  Even  a 
special  recognition  of  meritorious  action  by  honorary 


Faction  295 

rewards,  in  proportion  to  the  magnitude  and  brilliancy 
of  the  achievement,  would  kindle  the  love  of  glory  and 
distinction  which  is  peculiarly  to  be  cherished  and  culti 
vated  in  a  military  life.  Apart  from  those  special  cases 
there  should  be  no  variation  from  a  regular  system  of 
promotions — regimental  to  the  rank  of  captain  inclu 
sively,  and  from  that  in  the  line  of  the  State  to  the  rank 
of  brigadier  inclusively. 

Quite  as  essential  was  the  question  of  clothing,  on 
which  the  health,  cleanliness,  and  appearance  of  the 
army  so  much  depended.  The  wretched  experience  of 
the  past  was,  he  hoped,  not  to  be  repeated  under  the 
method  of  State  agents,  too  recently  adopted  to  permit 
any  judgment  on  the  success.  In  the  Quartermaster- 
general's  department  chaos  reigned,  but,  given  a  good 
officer  at  the  head,  the  army  could  be  supplied  under  a 
system  of  contracts.  Everything  was  to  be  done,  and 
procrastination  would  only  impose  the  same  extreme 
suffering  as  was  now  being  encountered.  Forage  had 
become  exceedingly  scarce,  and  no  magazines  had  been 
projected.  The  Commissary  department  was  also  in  a 
deplorable  condition,  and  had  almost  involved  the  army 
in  ruin.  It  had  pursued  a  hand-to-mouth  plan,  scarcely 
ever  having  more  than  two  or  three  days'  provisions  on 
hand,  and  sometimes  being  much  in  arrears.  Unless 
ample  magazines  could  be  prepared  against  the  next 
campaign,  the  operations  would  end  in  nought  but  dis 
grace  and  disappointments.  Besides  feeding  and  cloth 
ing  the  men,  it  was  important  to  pay  promptly,  "  and 
it  is  perhaps  more  essential  in  our  army  than  in  any 
other,  because  our  men  are  worse  supplied,  and  more 
necessitous,  and  the  notions  of  implicit  subordination, 


296  George  Washington 

not  being  as  yet  sufficiently  ingrafted  among  them,  they 
are  more  apt  to  reason  upon  their  rights,  and  readier  to 
manifest  their  sensibility  of  any  thing  that  has  the  ap 
pearance  of  injustice  to  them  ;  in  which  light  they  con 
sider  their  being  kept  out  of  their  pay,  after  it  is  due. — 
Nor  does  the  evil  end  here ;  the  inhabitants,  who  through 
choice,  accident,  or  necessity  have  any  pecuniary  con 
cerns  with  the  army,  finding  themselves  frequently  dis 
appointed  in  the  payments  they  have  a  right  to  expect, 
grow  dissatisfied  and  clamorous  ;  —  the  credit  of  the 
army,  and  which  is  nearly  the  same  thing,  the  credit  of 
the  continent,  is  impaired  —  our  supplies,  of  course,  are 
impeded,  and  the  price  of  every  article  we  want,  raised." 
The  machinery  of  the  paymaster's  office  was  above  criti 
cism,  but  there  was  too  often  no  money  to  pay  from 
it.  Hardly  a  department  of  the  army  did  not  call  for 
some  radical  change,  all  of  which  must  be  accomplished 
before  the  opening  of  the  campaign,  in  a  few  months. 
It  was  an  unpromising  display,  for  which  even  the  writer 
felt  some  apology  was  due.  "  The  disagreeable  picture 
I  have  given  you,  of  the  wants  and  sufferings  of  the 
army,  and  the  discontents  reigning  among  the  officers, 
is  a  just  representation  of  evils  equally  melancholy  and 
important ;  and  unless  effectual  remedies  be  applied 
without  loss  of  time,  the  most  alarming  and  ruinous 
consequences  are  to  be  apprehended." 

This  report  on  the  wants  of  the  army  had  hardly 
been  signed  before  it  received  a  support  that  made  at 
least  a  part  of  it  imperative.  Occasional  want  of  meat 
could  be  endured  ;  but  the  commissaries  announced  a 
complete  failure  of  provisions.  On  February  i6th 
little  less  than  a  famine  prevailed  in  the  camp.  "A 


Faction  297 

part  of  the  army  has  been  a  week  without  any  kind 
of  flesh,  and  the  rest  three  or  four  days."  Great 
as  had  been  the  patience  and  fidelity  of  the  soldiers, 
there  were  symptoms  of  discontent  requiring  the 
most  strenuous  efforts  to  allay.  Bad  as  the  situation 
was,  the  prospects  were  miserable.  Considering  that 
the  pay  of  the  troops  was  three  months  in  arrears, 
and  was  doled  out  in  sums  too  small  to  satisfy,  the 
distresses  of  the  men  were  much  increased.  Cold, 
wet,  hunger,  and  want  of  clothes  told  the  story  of  the 
miserable  winter  that  has  become  a  by-word  for  all  that 
was  wretched  and  involving  hardship.  The  men  died 
or  deserted  in  large  numbers ;  the  sick  roll  was  always 
large,  and  the  horses  could  not  be  kept,  but  starved  for 
want  of  forage.  Even  near  the  end  of  March  the  new 
army  or  levies  were  not  forthcoming,  though  the  condi 
tions  of  the  camp  grew  brighter. 

Out  of  these  events  came  a  rumor  that  Washington 
intended  to  resign  his  commission.  Where  the  story 
originated  it  would  be  impossible  to  say ;  but  it  ex 
pressed  the  wish  of  all  who  were  open  to  the  Mifflin 
influence,  still  strong  in  Congress.  Dr.  Gordon,  an 
eager  collector  of  facts  which  he  afterwards  used  in  a 
formal  history,  somewhat  modified  to  suit  his  ends, 
asked  the  General  as  to  its  truth.  "  I  can  assure  you," 
was  the  reply,  "  that  no  person  ever  heard  me  drop  an 
expression  that  had  a  tendency  to  resignation.  The 
same  principles,  that  led  me  to  embark  in  the  opposition 
to  the  arbitrary  claims  of  Great  Britain,  operate  with  ad 
ditional  force  at  this  day  ;  nor  is  it  my  desire  to  withdraw 
my  services,  while  they  are  considered  of  importance 
in  the  present  contest ;  but  to  report  a  design  of  this 


298  George  Washington 

kind  is  among  the  arts,  which  those,  who  are  en 
deavoring  to  effect  a  change,  are  practising  to  bring  it 
to  pass.  I  have  said,  and  I  still  do  say,  that  there  is 
not  an  officer  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  that 
would  return  to  the  sweets  of  domestic  life  with  more 
heartfelt  joy  than  I  should.  But  I  would  have  this 
declaration  accompanied  by  these  sentiments,  that,  while 
the  public  are  satisfied  with  my  endeavors,  I  mean  not 
to  shrink  from  the  cause.  But  the  moment  her  voice, 
not  that  of  faction,  calls  upon  me  to  resign,  I  shall  do 
it  with  as  much  pleasure  as  ever  the  weary  traveller 
retired  to  rest." 

Faction  and  jealousy  of  Washington  had  one  more 
weapon  in  reserve, — an  expedition  into  Canada,  the  first 
fruit  of  the  new  Board  of  War.  Circumstanced  as 
Washington  then  was,  he  saw  in  it  "  the  child  of  folly," 
productive  of  capital  ills.  The  main  object  in  his  plan 
was  to  strike  a  telling  blow  against  Howe's  army  in 
Philadelphia  ;  for,  that  accomplished,  the  outlying  de 
tachments  would  fall  of  themselves.  The  surrender  of 
Burgoyne  removed  all  danger  of  another  movement 
from  Canada,  while  to  subdue  that  province  would  be  a 
barren  victory  for  the  Americans.  When  Lafayette 
was  appointed  to  the  command,  with  Major-General 
Conway  as  a  second,  the  real  object  of  the  plotters  be 
came  apparent.  Unless  they  could  suspend  the  ordi 
nary  course  of  the  seasons  on  the  lakes  the  march,  as 
proposed,  could  not  take  place  ;  and  the  generals  reached 
the  north  only  to  find  that  no  preparations  had  been 
made,  and  neither  an  army  nor  the  means  of  supporting 
an  army  had  been  collected. 

Certain  changes  in  the  commands  of  posts  were  made 


Faction  299 

necessary.  The  success  of  the  British  in  their  raid  up 
the  Hudson  had  intensified  among  the  inhabitants  of 
New  York  an  already  existing  suspicion  and  dislike  of 
General  Putnam.  Complaint  of  his  conduct  had  been 
made,  and  it  was  freely  asserted  that  while  he  remained 
in  charge  of  West  Point  he  could  expect  no  assistance 
from  the  State.  Washington,  whose  admiration  for 
Putnam  had  never  been  large,  took  the  opportunity 
offered  by  the  inquiry  into  the  loss  of  Forts  Mont 
gomery  and  Clinton  to  send  him  into  Connecticut  to 
aid  in  completing  the  battalions,  and  placed  Major- 
General  McDougall  in  his  stead.  The  office  of  in 
spector  was  filled  by  the  appointment  of  Baron  Steuben, 
a  German  officer  of  high  rank  and  fine  qualifications. 
Uniformity  of  discipline  and  manoeuvring  would  work  a 
marked  change  for  the  better,  and  Steuben's  experience 
and  assiduity  in  office  accomplished  much  in  a  short 
time.  In  April,  Gates  was  again  given  command  of  the 
northern  department,  with  powers  somewhat  clipped. 

Congress,  misunderstanding  a  recommendation  from 
Washington,  authorized  him  to  call  out  five  thousand 
militia,  a  form  of  aid  that  he  did  not  desire.  Many 
urged  him  to  take  this  militia  and  attack  Philadelphia,  a 
foolish  proposition,  showing  an  ignorance  of  the  relative 
strength  of  the  two  armies.  The  General  entertained  a 
plan  of  operations,  and  summoned  his  officers  to  coun 
cil.  Should  an  attempt  be  made  upon  Philadelphia, 
where  an  army  of  about  five  thousand  men  was  strongly 
posted  ?  Or  should  the  war  be  transferred  to  the  north 
ward  by  an  enterprise  against  New  York  ?  Or,  if  neither 
of  these  suggestions  found  favor,  should  the  army  re 
main  in  a  quiet,  fortified  camp,  gaining  in  discipline  and 


300  George  Washington 

arrangement,  to  await  the  operations  of  the  enemy? 
The  opinions  given  were  not  conclusive,  and  a  second 
council  met  on  May  8th.  In  the  interval  it  became 
known  that  Howe  had  been  relieved  of  his  command,  to 
be  succeeded  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton  ;  and  that  commis 
sioners  under  the  North  bills  were  on  their  way  to 
America.  Best  of  all,  a  French  frigate,  the  Sensible, 
brought  Simeon  Deane  with  copies  of  the  treaty  entered 
into  by  France  with  the  United  States.  "  No  event 
was  ever  received  with  a  more  heartfelt  joy,"  was  Wash 
ington's  comment.  He  saw  good  political  consequences, 
as  the  States  should  now  shake  off  their  languor  and 
complete  their  battalions  ;  yet  he  feared  the  very  prom 
ise  of  aid  would  tempt  them  to  relapse  into  a  condition 
of  supineness  and  perfect  security.  "  If  we  are  not  free 
and  happy,  it  will  be  owing  to  a  want  of  virtue,  prudence 
and  management  among  ourselves."  He  took  part  in 
the  festivities  attending  the  announcement  of  the  treaty, 
but  could  not  see  in  the  agreement  a  full  solution  of  the 
contest  with  Great  Britain. 

The  council  of  war  convened  on  the  8th  —  the 
most  important  council  of  the  war.  Not  only  were 
the  major-generals  with  the  main  army  present,  but,  by 
direction  of  Congress,  Gates  and  Mifflin  attended,  Knox 
and  Steuben  were  included,  and  Lee,  recently  released 
from  the  enemy,  signed  the  conclusions.  Although  the 
Continental  army  could  outnumber  by  a  few  thousands 
the  British,  yet  superiority  of  position  turned  the  scale, 
and  it  was  unanimously  decided  that  no  attack  should 
be  made,  nor  should  a  formal  investment  of  the  city  be 
attempted,  as  requiring  a  larger  force  than  could  be 
gathered. 


Faction  30* 

After  a  long  delay,  which  was  mischievous  in  allow 
ing  so  many  officers  to  retire  from  the  army,  Congress 
adopted  a  measure  giving  half-pay  for  seven  years  from 
a  peace  to  those  who  should  serve  to  the  end  of  the  war. 
It  came  too  late  to  accomplish  what  had  been  hoped 
from  it,  and  a  more  hopeful  sign  was  the  evident  pur 
pose  of  many  counted  as  Tories  to  make  terms  with 
their  countrymen.  The  suggestion  under  which  they 
acted  must  have  come  from  the  British,  pointing  to  the 
abandonment  of  the  city.  To  send  their  heavy  equip 
ments  by  water,  and  to  march  the  flower  of  the  army  by 
land,  was  the  policy  Washington  believed  to  be  enter 
tained. 

At  last  all  doubt  was  solved  by  the  British  leaving 
Philadelphia  early  on  the  morning  of  June  i8th.  Six 
brigades  were  sent  forward,  under  the  command  of 
Major-General  Lee,  and  Washington  soon  followed, 
much  impeded  by  the  rain.  The  enemy  moved  slowly, 
and  offered  a  fair  mark  for  an  attack,  but  the  Continen 
tal  officers  endorsed  the  suggestion  of  Lee,  to  keep  at  a 
comfortable  distance  from  the  British,  and  annoy  them 
by  detachment.  This  decision,  wrote  Hamilton,  "  would 
have  done  honor  to  the  most  honorable  society  of  mid- 
wives,  and  to  them  only."  Accordingly  Lafayette  was 
sent  on  to  join  the  left  flank  of  the  enemy,  Lee,  in  a  pet, 
having  declined  what  he  regarded  as  so  secondary  a 
duty.  Finding  that  his  refusal  would  prejudice  his 
claims  to  command,  he  changed  his  tone,  asked  for  the 
assignment,  and  Lafayette  gracefully  yielded.  As  the 
enemy  had  increased  the  strength  of  their  rear  column, 
Lee's  force  was  raised  by  two  brigades,  giving  him  com 
mand  of  about  five  thousand  men.  On  the  morning  of 


302  George  Washington 

the  28th,  fearing  that  the  British  would  escape  without 
a  blow,  Washington  determined  to  attack,  and  had 
ordered  Lee  to  advance  as  soon  as  the  English  were  in 
motion.  Washington  himself,  when  the  signal  was 
given,  pushed  on  to  support  him  with  the  main  armyy 
and  to  his  chagrin,  after  marching  five  miles,  found  the 
advanced  corps  in  full  retreat,  "  as  I  was  told,  by  General 
Lee's  orders,  without  having  made  any  opposition,  ex 
cept  one  fire,  given  by  a  party  under  the  command  of 
Colonel  Butler,  on  their  being  charged  by  the  enemy's 
cavalry,  who  were  repulsed."  Exchanging  a  few  in 
dignant  words  with  Lee,  Washington  rode  forward  and 
rallied  the  retreating  corps,  which  checked  the  enemy 
for  a  time  sufficient  to  allow  proper  dispositions  to  be 
made.  After  a  severe  engagement  the  British  were 
driven  back  to  their  original  position,  whence  they  stole 
silently  away  during  the  night,  and  made  further  pursuit 
out  of  the  question.  Lee  was  placed  under  arrest. 

This  battle  at  Monmouth,  and  Washington's  conduct 
of  it,  produced  a  marked  change  in  public  opinion.  His 
instant  grasp  of  the  situation,  and  the  measures  taken 
to  undo  Lee's  blunder,  turning  a  defeat  into  a  victory, 
gave  his  critics  pause,  and  caused  his  friends  to  ac 
claim  their  praise.  "  I  never  saw  the  General  to  so 
much  advantage,"  wrote  Hamilton ;  while  Boudinot 
replied,  "  in  this  instance  he  rose  superior  to  himself." 
Congress  passed,  without  a  dissenting  voice,  a  resolution 
thanking  him  for  his  activity  in  the  pursuit,  for  his  dis 
tinguished  exertions  in  forming  the  line  of  battle,  and 
for  his  great  good  conduct  in  leading  on  the  attack  and 
gaining  the  important  victory  of  Monmouth. 

Meditating   on    these   events,    a   short   time    after, 


Faction  303 

Washington  gave  his  opinion  to  a  friend.  "  It  is  not  a  lit 
tle  pleasing,  nor  less  wonderful  to  contemplate,  that  after 
two  years'  manoeuvring  and  undergoing  the  strangest 
vicissitudes,  that  perhaps  ever  attended  any  one  contest 
since  the  creation,  both  armies  are  brought  back  to  the 
very  point  they  set  out  from,  and  that  which  was  the  of 
fending  party  in  the  beginning  is  now  reduced  to  the 
use  of  the  spade  and  pickaxe  for  defence.  The  hand  of 
Providence  has  been  so  conspicuous  in  all  this,  that  he 
must  be  worse  than  an  infidel  that  lacks  faith,  and  more 
than  wicked,  that  has  not  gratitude  enough  to  acknowl 
edge  his  obligations.  But  it  will  be  time  enough  for 
me  to  turn  preacher,  when  my  present  appointment 
ceases ;  and  therefore  I  shall  add  no  more  on  the 
doctrine  of  Providence." 


ERSITY  OP 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
Renewed  books  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


LIBRARY  USE 

OCT  1  6  1960 

UCT  1  ('  tQftn 

"*•"   Al     !3OU 



LD  21A-50m-4,'60 
(A9562slO)476B 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


E3I2. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


i 


.€ 


